The motivation for this study was the desire to make the path to learning elementary algebra as 'generalised arithmetic' more clearly defined for both students and teachers.In the initial learning of algebra, algebraic expressions are transformed to equivalent other forms and techniques are developed for solving simple equations. Both facets require students to have a thorough understanding of arithmetic equality ' properties' if the developed procedures and techniques are to be adequately understood. The same can be claimed also with respect to arithmetic inequality and the solving of inequations.The specifics of the research described in this thesis entailed: (i) the identification of the properties of the equality and inequality relations considered to be the arithmetic roots from which algebraic procedures emanate; and (ii) consideration of what could constitute 'understanding' of the properties identified in (i).The research activity involved the design and development of an instrument referred to as the Mathematical Equality and Inequality Understanding Survey (the MEIUS). Specifically, the MEIUS has the following design features: (a) for the Equality Relation, the properties are exemplified using 'small numbers', 'larger numbers', and 'algebraic numbers; (b) for the Inequality Relation the properties are exemplified in 'small number' and algebraic numbers' only. The resulting Survey consists of three Stages for the Equality Relation and two Stages for the Inequality Relation.Through consideration of MEWS responses, levels were devised in order to determine 'understanding' of the relation properties. The levels were associated with the developed MEWS Thought Process Model. The MEWS has a tight protocol for administration designed to ascertain, in a valid and reliable manner, the 'thought processing' which a student employs when responding to an Item.The field ++ / work of the research involved the administration of the MEIUS to two hundred and fifty seven (257) Grades 7 to 10 students in ten (10) Tasmanian High Schools. Overall the sample consisted of 137 females and 120 males.The experience revealed that the MEWS components can be conveniently administered within the school context. Subsequent analyses of responses, using an elaborate but readily comprehended response 'scoring' procedure, indicate that there is a great deal of potentially useful information concerning student understanding of the relation properties which could be obtained in a specific school setting. Such knowledge could be used to indicate the need for remediation, on the one hand, or to identify 'readiness' to proceed or apply, on the other.Comprehensive analyses of the data gathered have been made with 'implications for teaching' firmly in mind. Links between the various relation properties and procedures for 'simplifying' expressions and solving simple equations are pointed out, in juxtaposition to the information of the proportion of a teaching year group that has demonstrated the various MEWS Levels of Understanding of the properties. Thus, the analyses can be of assistance to teachers and curriculum designers in anticipating the degree of need for remediation, as well as deciding on expressions' and solving simple equations or inequations.In considering aspects of 'remediation' the Study proposes cognitively sound approaches to teaching a number of 'selected' properties of equality. The properties have been 'selected' for their significance to the algebra topics identified.In summary, this Study has two tangible products:1. The Mathematical Equality and Inequality Understanding Survey (the MEWS) with its sound cognitive and content bases, tight protocol for administration and elaborate response 'scoring', leading to the MEWS Thought Process Model ++ / articulated in Levels;2. The identification and articulation of links between the analyses of responses in terms of the MEWS Thought Process Model and the application of the relation properties to aspects of elementary algebra, where algebra is considered as 'generalised arithmetic'.It is claimed that both these concrete products have the potential to make a valuable contribution to the teaching and learning of algebra.

Thesis (M.A.(Applied))--Victoria University of Wellington, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.

<p>UN is a non-governmental organization which should promote gender equality within the organization. It is an organization which is based on human rights and claims that in order to solve the problem of poverty, famine and development we need to promote women’s status. In Sweden there is a strong tradition of gender balanced representation at the governmental level and this perspective raise the question if there is a spill-over effect to the civil society as in the case of a non-governmental organization. This makes it interesting to look at if a non-governmental organization which is not under state control work for gender equality within their own organization. What does the gender equality pattern look like in a sphere that is not controlled by the government? Does it work by itself? The main purpose of this thesis is therefore to examine opinions about the gender balance within the Swedish UN-movement.</p><p> In order to understand and analyse the gender equality context within UN, interwievs with chairmens for each UN-district in Sweden was conducted and it was found that there was no active promotion of this issue within the organization. Instead, the survey showed that the promotion of gender equality issues was directed towards other societys. To a certain extent it was also shown that women’s understanding of UN as a gender equal organization was less prominent than men’s understanding. This thesis concluded therefore that gender equality does not work by itself in the civil sphere. Instead, it seems as if work for gender balance needs directive and control from the government in order to function. </p><p>Key words: Gender equality, FN, feminism, politics of presence, non-governmental organizations.</p>

<p>The purpose of the essay is to analyze the welfare state from a gender perspective. Further, the paper analyzes and critically examines three different normative solutions provided by Irish Marion Young, Nancy Fraser and Jürgen Habermas for the realization of a welfare state that includes women.</p><p>Habermas argues that the welfare state has created a situation of dependency and state paternalism which reduces both individual and collective self-determination. Young follows Habermas‟ argument. She argues for a political climate where justice is reduced to the distribution of material goods rather than the elimination of underlying relations of domination and gender specific patterns. Fraser and Young therefore argue that the new client role is female and that the welfare state rests on the heterogeneous nuclear family norm with a male provider which restricts possibilities for women. The Scandinavian welfare model tends to be considered as "women friendly" because of its broad gender debate, well-developed social security that brackens the line between public-private together with a high degree of representation of women in political institutions. What is critical about the Scandinavian model is that it restricts political participation to representation. Rather, what is needed is a model of democracy that gives room for women to discuss in their own voice what their needs are and to use the discussion as a means for broader political debate.</p><p>For women to be given such a voice in society, we need a model like Habermas‟ deliberative democracy with procedural rights. The strength in Habermas‟ model is that it makes it possible for women to participate in political will-formation through critical rationality. The deliberative rationality makes it possible for women to come together in the public sphere to influence the welfare state, its design and the allocation of resources. Habermas‟ democracy model has certain shortcomings because it overlooks the gender structures which affect women's access to the public sphere. It is therefore important to understand how rational communication can be achieved in a society that is socially stratified. I argue for a welfare state in which recognition, redistribution and political participation are secured and where women can participate as equals in the public sphere. This is achieved by adopting Fraser concepts of society as consisting of a multiplicity of publics rather than by a single public. It is important however, that the public sphere makes room for groups‟ particularity and I therefore argue for Youngs‟ concept of a politics of difference. It also requires an interaction between institutions and political participation through procedural rights. These rights enable women to influence societys‟ institutions and overcome the client role and gender structures in society.</p>

<p>On March 28, 2007, at a national conference concerning Special Education in Norrköping Jan Björklund, School Minister for the Alliance Party of Sweden announced that the previous Government's proposal for changes to the existing Special Education System would be rejected. This proposal known as “Quality and Cooperation – Education for Children, Youths and Adults with Disabilities” (Kvalitet och samverkan – om utbildning för barn, unga och vuxna med utvecklingsstörning)was based upon a four year study done by the Carlbeck Committee aimed at a general overhaul of the Special Education System and focusing in particular on bringing Special Education into closer contact with the normal Education System.</p><p>This decision was met with shock and amazement from the conference members, and following the conference from members of the Swedish Downs Syndrome Association as well as FUB – "The Swedish National Association for Persons with Intellectual Disability", and researchers in the field of Disability Studies. The decision, according to them, moves in the opposite direction to the international movement towards a more inclusive perspective on education. This study examines “For Us Together”, the document upon which the rejected proposal was based upon, interviews from the individuals engaged in the Special Education field, and “More Knowledge - A Modern Educational Proposal” a proposal from the Alliance government regarding changes to the Educational System. This information is then filtered through the Pedagogical theories of Peder Haug, A Norwegian Researcher, found in Pedagogical Dilemma – Special Education.” The aim of the study is to shed light upon, and eventually speculate upon the reasons for this decision, as well it's possible consequences.</p><p>The conclusions reached involve issues such as: The Educational System's obligation to provide the tools necessary to live and succeed in Society; a raising of the national consciousness concerning Sweden's tendency towards Compensatory Special Educational solutions; the possibility of future advancements in Special Education towards a satisfactory treatment of all involved.</p>

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The main purpose of this thesis is to make the gender perspective of children’s literature visible. I wanted to find out if the books about Pippi Longstocking and Alfons Aberg are suited as basis for a gender discussion among students in the school. By proceed from the books I did a study in a children group in a youth recreation center. The total number of students was 10 aged 6 to 10 years. I chose the books and chapters I found most appropriate as a basis for a gender discussion. I read high for the group and afterwards they got some statement to reflect over. My conclusion is that both Alfons and Pippi are very good models for children because they digress from the current sex role pattern. The books adapt very well as a discussion basis concerning gender. However there was some difficulties to let the children to keep focus on the primary question it self. In this kind of investigation an experienced leader who can guide the conversation is needed. By using different valuation exercises you can make the conversations more stimulating for the children.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Alfons Aberg, Pippi Longstocking, children’s book, gender, equality</p><p> </p>

Egalitarian liberal theories of justice – so this dissertation argues – fail to take into accountthe full implications of the way citizens’ socio-cultural backgrounds work to undermine theequal opportunities these same theories demand. While egalitarians support extensiveredistribution of income and wealth from the privileged to the less privileged, and advocateequal opportunities for all, they do not properly attend either to how our shared societalcultures structure social esteem and related advantages, or to how our individual socioculturalenvironments structure the very act of choice. They thus fail to acknowledge ourunequal opportunities to make choices which bring us esteem and related advantages,particularly the advantages that flow from our having established for ourselves lives thatothers consider good. Alternative approaches to the interplay between justice, culture, and choice are rejected forillegitimately restricting the right to go our own way (communitarianism), or for regulatingpolitically that which cannot legitimately be regulated politically (recognition theory).Against the former position it is argued that we should draw on our culturalunderstandings, not to restrict free choice, but to identify opportunities to be safeguarded.Against the latter it is argued that we should not renegotiate prevailing cultural structurespolitically, but rather acknowledge these same structures and ensure that no one falls too farbehind in the competition for the advantages they generate. Suggesting that one of the more thoroughgoing hierarchies of esteem and disesteem is thatattached to our occupational positions, broadly construed, the dissertation concretizes theclaims defended in relation to this hierarchy in particular. It is argued that the just societyowes it to its citizens to protect them from involuntary occupation of positions that comewith potentially harmful disesteem attached. It is not for society to overrule theindependent choices of citizens, however, but rather to provide enduring opportunities totraining and education for more highly regarded positions, thus both equalizingopportunities to esteem and related advantages, and ensuring that those who continue tooccupy positions at the lower end of the hierarchy in question do so through their owngenuinely free choice.

On March 28, 2007, at a national conference concerning Special Education in Norrköping Jan Björklund, School Minister for the Alliance Party of Sweden announced that the previous Government's proposal for changes to the existing Special Education System would be rejected. This proposal known as “Quality and Cooperation – Education for Children, Youths and Adults with Disabilities” (Kvalitet och samverkan – om utbildning för barn, unga och vuxna med utvecklingsstörning)was based upon a four year study done by the Carlbeck Committee aimed at a general overhaul of the Special Education System and focusing in particular on bringing Special Education into closer contact with the normal Education System. This decision was met with shock and amazement from the conference members, and following the conference from members of the Swedish Downs Syndrome Association as well as FUB – "The Swedish National Association for Persons with Intellectual Disability", and researchers in the field of Disability Studies. The decision, according to them, moves in the opposite direction to the international movement towards a more inclusive perspective on education. This study examines “For Us Together”, the document upon which the rejected proposal was based upon, interviews from the individuals engaged in the Special Education field, and “More Knowledge - A Modern Educational Proposal” a proposal from the Alliance government regarding changes to the Educational System. This information is then filtered through the Pedagogical theories of Peder Haug, A Norwegian Researcher, found in Pedagogical Dilemma – Special Education.” The aim of the study is to shed light upon, and eventually speculate upon the reasons for this decision, as well it's possible consequences. The conclusions reached involve issues such as: The Educational System's obligation to provide the tools necessary to live and succeed in Society; a raising of the national consciousness concerning Sweden's tendency towards Compensatory Special Educational solutions; the possibility of future advancements in Special Education towards a satisfactory treatment of all involved.

UN is a non-governmental organization which should promote gender equality within the organization. It is an organization which is based on human rights and claims that in order to solve the problem of poverty, famine and development we need to promote women’s status. In Sweden there is a strong tradition of gender balanced representation at the governmental level and this perspective raise the question if there is a spill-over effect to the civil society as in the case of a non-governmental organization. This makes it interesting to look at if a non-governmental organization which is not under state control work for gender equality within their own organization. What does the gender equality pattern look like in a sphere that is not controlled by the government? Does it work by itself? The main purpose of this thesis is therefore to examine opinions about the gender balance within the Swedish UN-movement. In order to understand and analyse the gender equality context within UN, interwievs with chairmens for each UN-district in Sweden was conducted and it was found that there was no active promotion of this issue within the organization. Instead, the survey showed that the promotion of gender equality issues was directed towards other societys. To a certain extent it was also shown that women’s understanding of UN as a gender equal organization was less prominent than men’s understanding. This thesis concluded therefore that gender equality does not work by itself in the civil sphere. Instead, it seems as if work for gender balance needs directive and control from the government in order to function. Key words: Gender equality, FN, feminism, politics of presence, non-governmental organizations.

The purpose of this thesis is to offer a comparative study of Michael Walzer and Will Kymlicka¡¦s theories on citizenship. By comparing their different perspectives on conception of person and political equality, I demonstrate that due to their differing views on the significance of culture, they, as a result, have divergent theories of citizenship. Looking from a liberal multiculturalist perspective, Kymlicka defends the centrality of personal autonomy and sees cultures as important references that allow persons to choose their respective ideal ways of life. Walzer, on the other hand, faults liberalism for its hyper-individualist assumptions and misunderstanding of the significance of culture to human agency. Walzer insists that culture is not a resource/object for humans to appropriate but a constitutive part of human self-understanding that cannot be disregarded in human actions. These two distinct ideals of citizenship, I maintain, can therefore be seen as a continuation of the liberal-communitarian debate in the 1980s.