全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流，中美兩大經濟體系（G2）的競合，更是主導國際體系發展的方向，2014年中共國家主席習近平，提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識，中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色，對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻，期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。 從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向，窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係，理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。 期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維，過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機，發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。 / 全球化、相互依賴是21世紀的發展潮流，中美兩大經濟體系（G2）的競合，更是主導國際體系發展的方向，2014年中共國家主席習近平，提出「亞洲新安全觀」的亞洲共識，中國大陸扮演更負責任的區域大國角色，對區域穩定、和平發展有所貢獻，期盼美國放棄冷戰時期的對抗意識形態。 從地緣政治分析政治、經濟、軍事安全面各向，窺視中美競合中多邊與雙邊關係，理解中國大陸的「亞洲新安全觀」倡議與美國「亞太再平衡」政策競合下的消長與發展趨勢。 期能理解在東、西方不同文明、體制的思維，過去意識形態對抗的謬誤本質與潛藏危機，發掘「亞洲新安全觀」對區域和平與穩定發展的契機與永續經營之道。

中共自1979年推行「改革開放」政策，其社會主義市場經濟進入快速成長軌道，隨著綜合國力的日漸崛起，牽動著亞太區域乃至國際地緣政治的變化，並引發周邊國家對其國家戰略及軍事意圖產生疑慮，即使中共一再闡述「和平發展」及透過對話方式，以期化解各國對其崛起發展的疑懼，但由於開放資訊程度的不透明，在短期內迭起的「中國威脅論」難以改觀。 盱衡當今全球局勢，「中」美關係的發展確是重要考量因素。美國當前全球戰略與其國家安全利益，即是防止區域霸權崛起，威脅美國的區域安全利益。面對中共的崛起，美國己展開「重返亞洲」再平衡策略等一系列的遏制舉措，中共則展現企圖掌控亞太霸權的動機極其明顯。中共與美國戰略利益衝突勢難避免，可見未來的「中」美關係將更為嚴峻，這是中共第五代領導人習近平上台後及美國總統歐巴馬第二任期內的極大挑戰。從區域政治、經濟、安全的視角，無論是亞太區域權力競合、經濟資源開發或軍事策略運作、東海及南海主權爭議等，在在影響「中」美戰略競逐與形勢消長。 美國自2008年全球金融風暴之後，經濟頹勢與財政困頓，而中共的市場經濟持續發展，對於美國恢復經濟動能十分重要。由於經濟的互賴日漸加深，雙方處於一種既競爭又合作的關係。在此種競合交錯的複雜環境下，美國重返亞洲的策略布局，已然被中共視為遏制其崛起的一大挑戰。因此，全力在經濟、外交與軍事上採取各種反制的作為。在「中」美戰略競逐的新形勢下，中共應可體認自身實力與限制因素，在國際戰略情勢中，尋求對自己最有利的位置。 / Since the People’s Republic of China (PRC) released the “Chinese Economic Reform” in 1979, its socialism-oriented market economy has gone into a fast-growing orbit. With the rise of comprehensive national power, PRC has influenced the shape of Asia-Pacific region, even the global geopolitics, and resulted in the neighboring countries’ doubt on its national strategies and military intentions. Although PRC seeks to dissolve other countries’ doubt and fear through expounding on its peaceful development and dialogue, the opacity of information makes it difficult to change their views in a short time. The development of China-United States relations is indeed a major consideration in current global situation. The global strategies and national security interests of United States are to prevent the rise of regional hegemony from threatening its regional security interests. Facing the rise of PRC, United States has implemented rebalancing strategy “Pivot to Asia” as one of the containment measures. On the other hand, the motivations which China is competing for the leadership in Asia-Pacific are obvious. The conflict of strategic interests between PRC and United States is inevitable, and their relations will be more difficult in the foreseeable future. It will be a great challenge for Xi Jinping’s administration, the PRC fifth leadership generation, and United Sates President Obama’s second term. In the perspective of regional politics, economics and security, whether the power competition in Asia-Pacific, development of economic resources, implementation of military strategies, or the sovereignty disputes in the East and South China Sea, they are all influencing the increase and decrease of the strategic competition and situation between China and United States. Since the global financial crisis in 2008, the economy and finance of United States have suffered from recession. However, the market economy of PRC is continuing to grow and plays an important role to provide momentum for United States’ economy to recover. Due to the deepening economic interdependence, the relations of both sides can be competitive and cooperative. PRC has regarded Unites States’ “Pivot to Asia ”strategy as a challenge to contain it’s rise and therefore implemented economic, diplomatic, and military countermeasures. In the new situation of China-United States strategic competition, the PRC shall be aware of its strength and limitations to find its most strategic position in the international strategic circumstances.

本文以「新現實主義」(neorealism)，或被稱為「結構現實主義」(structural realism)做為研究途徑，從國際政治系統層次體系，探究美國在二十一世紀後，所進行的東亞軍力調整。本文首先檢視二十一世紀後東亞戰略環境，以及美國的兩位總統，小布希(George W. Bush)，以及歐巴馬(Barrack Obama)，的面對這樣的東亞安全環境，採取的戰略與政策儘管有不同，但同樣在軍事及外交上，強化與東亞國家之關係，藉以建構一個對美國有利的東亞安全環境，藉以面對來自崛起中國的挑戰。接著，本文將探究美國與中國之關係，藉以釐清美國在進行東亞軍力調整中，如何處理中國的因素後，探討美國在二十一世紀後，在東亞進行的軍力調整的原因、方針以及概況，以及美國的東亞盟邦在軍力調整後所扮演的角色，並探究美國在東亞軍力整編時所面對的困境與挑戰。 本文發現，二十一世紀美國進行東亞軍力調整之時，也反應了其東亞外交與安全戰略，以及美國建構一個以「美日同盟」為主軸的安全戰略體系已經形成，並由美國的其他東亞盟邦輔助支援。然而，美國的東亞軍力調整，也面臨了許多困難與挑戰，包括美國東亞盟邦，甚至美國自身的問題等。 最後，本文也建議未來可針對抑制中國軍事能力的戰略，以及台灣在美國東亞安全戰略可以扮演的角色進行研究。 / The research approach used in this dissertation is neorealism (structural realism). From the system of level in the international politics, this dissertation explore how the United States conducted its military realignment in East Asia. Firstly, this dissertation will examine the security environment of East Asia in the twenty-first century. Although two U.S. Presidents, George W. Bush and Barrack Obama, adopted different policies when facing such an East Asia security environment, they both strengthened relations with Asia-Pacific countries militarily and diplomatically. They intended to construct an East Asian security environment favorable for U.S. interests so that U.S. can face the challenges from the rising China. Later on, this dissertation will explore U.S.-Chinese relations to clarify how U.S. handle Chinese factors in its military realignment in East Asia. Besides, this dissertation will explore the reasons, policies, how U.S. proceed its military realignment, and the roles played by U.S. allies and partners. Finally, this dissertation will examine the difficulties and challenges that U.S. will have faced in its military realignment. This dissertation finds that U.S. military realignment in East Asia reflects its diplomacy and security strategy. Meanwhile, an U.S. security strategy based on U.S.-Japan alliance has established, with the support from other U.S. allies and partners in East Asia. However, the U.S. indeed faces difficulties and challenges, including problems from its allies and even the U.S. itself. Lastly, this dissertation suggest some research directions in the future, including a strategy which can suppress Chinese capabilities, and the role that Taiwan can play in the comprehensive U.S. East Asia security strategy.