本論文採用Traugott (2010)及Hopper and Traugott (2003)的語法化觀點，探討台灣華語「給我」、台灣閩南語「共我」、及台灣客語「摎ngai」句式在動前位置的祈使用法，主要分析產生此祈使用法的背後動因與機制，包含類推(analogy)、重新分析(reanalysis)、轉喻(metonymy)、語用強化(pragmatic strengthening)、及語言接觸(language contact)等概念。本論文的另一焦點為探討台灣華語「給我」的評價用法，此為台灣華語的新興用法，尚未見於台灣閩南語及台灣客語中。本研究將提出，語法化、主觀性(subjectivity)、及主觀化(subjectification)能闡釋新興用法產生的動因與機制。 / This thesis aims to investigate the preverbal [gei wo], [ka gua], and [lau ngai] construction in Taiwan Mandarin, Taiwan Southern Min, and Taiwan Hakka. The original meaning of these constructions presents beneficial meaning, but they can also frequently appear in imperative constructions. While the extant literature has discussed the pragmatic functions of the imperative meaning, why and how the imperative meaning emerges is still unexplored. Aspects of grammaticalization are adopted (cf. Traugott 2010; Hopper and Traugott 2003). To elaborate how and why the imperative meaning emerges, syntactic and semantic mechanisms and their motivations are proposed. The other issue of the thesis aims to explore the newly emergent evaluative [gei wo] construction in Taiwan Mandarin. In addition to mechanisms and motivation for its development, the notion of subjectivity and subjectification plays a crucial role to account for the motivation for the emergence of the construction in question. Overall, this thesis illuminates the notion that the emergence of special constructions can derive from their original constructions through cognitive and functional foundation.

過去漢語與格研究多圍繞在給字句的分析上，包括給字句的類別，以及不同類別中的「給」應為何種詞類。本文以當代與格結構的核心問題為起點，主張介詞與格和雙賓與格並不具備衍生關係，而是動詞的兩個面向──中心語PLoc／轉移性質（allative）或中心語PHave／所屬性質（possessive），所決定的兩種不同的論元結構和句法形式。以其觀點而論，漢語的介詞與格由前者形成，而雙賓與格由後者形成，而漢語與格的不對稱性，即所謂巴克詭題（Baker’s Paradox），亦可從前述兩個動詞面向加以解釋。本文認為漢語的給字句和把字句的語法形式，亦是前述兩個動詞面向的展現。並且，相關的分析不止適用於漢語與格類動詞，非與格類動詞亦能獲得闡述。