本篇論文引用Hopper在1993年所提出的五項原則，論證漢語中「起來」、「下去」、「上來」的多義現象是反映語法化的現象。在「起來」、「下去」、「上來」語法化的過程中，可以發現許多語意和語法的痕跡，例如語意選擇的限制、受詞位置的限制、受詞限定的要求、與完成貌時貌標記使用的限制。根據Lehmann 1991年的研究，這些痕跡說明「起來」、「下去」、「上來」在語法化的過程中是由「子句中」向「子句間」變動。這樣的語意變動主要來自於概念上由空間向時間的比喻轉換。除此之外，在「起來」、「下去」、「上來」的句子中，這樣的轉換還受到不同的語意角色要求所限制。 / This thesis applies Hopper*s Principles (1993) to assert that the semantic varieties of Mandarin directional verbs qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai are reflections of grammaticalization. The grammaticalization of Mandarin qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai has left traces on selectional restriction, syntactic constraints on object positions, object definiteness, and requirements of perfective aspect marker. Based on Lehmann (1991), these traces lead to the conclusion that Mandarin qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai shift from clause-internal to cross-clause grammaticalization. The semantic shifts of Mandarin qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai are considered to be motivated by SPACE-to-TIME metaphorical transfer. The transfer is also constrained by theta-role requirements.

客語的「有」字就其語法功能而言可以作動詞、助動詞、及動詞補語用。就其意義上而言，「有」標示著領屬義、強調義、及結果完成義。在這些共時歧異的功能意義背後，實存在著一個核心意義---領有。本論文旨在用語法化理論將客語「有」字之共時分歧用法作一合理之解釋，而提出三個主張：第一、將存在的概念提升至更深層，將之視為領有義的預設。第二、將領有義分析為更基本的基模（source schemas）。第三、利用這些基本的基模來解釋「有」字的各種延伸意義。透過這樣的角度分析客語「有」字句，將可以更合理的解釋「有」的共時歧異現象。 / Hakka Yu 'to own, to possess' has various grammatical functions. It can function as a full-fledged verb, appear in a serial verb construction, serve as an auxiliary, and act as a verbal complement. With the structural complexity, Hakka Yu denotes possession, emphatic assertion and the existence of the resultative state of being. The divergent syntactic behaviors as well as the different functions of Hakka Yu do not share the same surface form by chance. The coincidence suggests that there must be an extant semantic core that links together all the seemingly unrelated functions exhibited by various syntactic structures of Yu. This thesis, aiming at linking the diversity of usage of Yu, claims that the structural divergence of Yu corresponds to the "cline of grammaticality," which synchronically refers to a continuum at one hand of which is a fuller lexical form, and at the opposite end, a reduced grammatical form. Three major claims are therefore advanced to account for the synchronic differences of Hakka Yu.

本論文探討「很X」構式在口語語料中的語意變化，透過「很X」在口語語料庫及電視節目語料中的分布，分析「很X」語法化及詞彙化的情形，藉由語言學的角度，提供未來華語教學實用多樣的內涵。 過去相關文獻多集中於構式、詞類的分析，較少使用口語語料作為研究素材，而言談過程常是造成語言變化的重要因素，因此本文應用語法化及詞彙化理論，探討政治大學口語語料庫及公視節目「爸媽囧很大」中「很X」的分布情形，分析詞類結構、句法範疇及字數三個方面。兩個語料來源中「很X」的分布情形一致，「很」的語法化一直演變，「X」可擔任的範疇向其他詞類擴張，也可以由單詞、詞組、句子等字數不同的單位擔任。「很X」也藉由詞彙化持續演變，「很X」凝結為一個單位，用以修飾其他詞組或是句子。「很」除了保有表示高程度的副詞功能外，亦開始具有突顯「X」特性的功能，與特定詞類搭配時，「很X」必須一起出現才足以表達說話者的意思，這些現象顯示了「很X」的主觀性有逐漸提升的趨勢。本文以語法化和詞彙化理論來分析討論口語語料中「很X」的句法語意變化以及分布情形，研究結果可提供華語教學者進行相關學術研究、編撰教材以及實地教學的素材來源。 / The study aims to investigate the syntactic and semantic changes of hěn X constructions in spoken copora. Many studies have discussed the history of hěn, the development of its degree adverb function and the host expansion of X. To understand the gradual changes of hěn X in daily usages, the study, extracting the data from the NCCU Corpus of Spoken Chinese and Taiwan Public Telivision show, examines the grammaticalization and lexicalization patterns of hěn X . Several findings are found. First, the syntactic and semantic distributions of both sources are consistent. While adjectives and stative verbs still claim the majority of X, new categories of words are discovered, showing host expansion of hěn X. Second, not only words but also phrases and clauses can play the role of X. The flexibility of the length of hěn X demonstrates the gradual grammaticalization of hěn.On the other hand, hěn X can also be used as a unit to modify other grammatical constittuents, showing lexicalization process is also happening regarding. In particular, when hěn X is regarded as a unit, hěn appears to be obligatory, not only indicating degree but also highlighting the characteristics of X. The analysis of the spoken materials also clearly demonstrates that subjectivity is increasing in hěn X. These findings of hěn X in spoken copora can be applied to linguistic studies and Mandarin teaching.

本論文採用Traugott (2010)及Hopper and Traugott (2003)的語法化觀點，探討台灣華語「給我」、台灣閩南語「共我」、及台灣客語「摎ngai」句式在動前位置的祈使用法，主要分析產生此祈使用法的背後動因與機制，包含類推(analogy)、重新分析(reanalysis)、轉喻(metonymy)、語用強化(pragmatic strengthening)、及語言接觸(language contact)等概念。本論文的另一焦點為探討台灣華語「給我」的評價用法，此為台灣華語的新興用法，尚未見於台灣閩南語及台灣客語中。本研究將提出，語法化、主觀性(subjectivity)、及主觀化(subjectification)能闡釋新興用法產生的動因與機制。 / This thesis aims to investigate the preverbal [gei wo], [ka gua], and [lau ngai] construction in Taiwan Mandarin, Taiwan Southern Min, and Taiwan Hakka. The original meaning of these constructions presents beneficial meaning, but they can also frequently appear in imperative constructions. While the extant literature has discussed the pragmatic functions of the imperative meaning, why and how the imperative meaning emerges is still unexplored. Aspects of grammaticalization are adopted (cf. Traugott 2010; Hopper and Traugott 2003). To elaborate how and why the imperative meaning emerges, syntactic and semantic mechanisms and their motivations are proposed. The other issue of the thesis aims to explore the newly emergent evaluative [gei wo] construction in Taiwan Mandarin. In addition to mechanisms and motivation for its development, the notion of subjectivity and subjectification plays a crucial role to account for the motivation for the emergence of the construction in question. Overall, this thesis illuminates the notion that the emergence of special constructions can derive from their original constructions through cognitive and functional foundation.

本文研究漢語的連動結構。首先我們先將連動結構的定義做一個清楚的界定，之後再從動詞間的語意面著手，對連動結構中動詞間的語意關係，提出詳盡的說明與解釋。除此之外，根據連動句中詞彙的受限性以及動詞間的語意關聯性這兩個原則，我們再進一步將漢語的連動結構區分為四個類型。最後，我們從句法的層面切入來探討漢語的連動結構。我們認為不同的語意解讀是由於不同的句法結構所導致。 / This thesis investigates serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Mandarin Chinese. The serial verb constructions are often confused with other superficially similar structures; thus, the first objective of this study is to explicitly delimitate the definition of SVCs and to differentiate them from other structures. In addition, we will further explore the semantic relationship between the serial verbs and classify SVCs into several types according to the V1-V2 correlations, the independence between sub-events, and the lexical restrictiveness of the verbs. We will then analyze the syntactic relationship of the verbs. Finally, we also propose that there are two possible structures for SVCs in Mandarin. Chapter 1 is a brief introduction of the term “serial verb construction.” We will first go over its definitions, the functions it can convey, and the geographical distribution of languages with SVC. In Chapter 2, we will present the distinguishing characteristics of SVC and distinguish it from other similar structures. In Chapter 3, we will present different semantic correlations between the VPs. In Chapter 4, we will classify Mandarin SVCs into different subtypes based on the lexical and semantic criteria. Chapter 5 presents the tentative syntactic analyses of Mandarin SVCs. Chapter 6 concludes this paper.

本論文依據現代客語語料庫，探討臺灣客語評注性情態副詞在語法化、詞彙化以及語用化運作之下的發展過程，以及情態與語言演變機制之間的關係。藉由三個知識性情態詞，本文對於評注性情態副詞之分佈、語義和句法特徵進行詳細的描述。藉由檢視其構式結構以及運用相關測試，證實評注性情態副詞不但遵守副詞修飾範域：話語行為副詞 > 情態副詞 (評論副詞 > 知識性情態副詞) > 附加副詞，也同樣依循情態詞之階層分佈：知識性情態詞 > 義務性情態詞 > 動力性情態詞。在他們所處之語意語境以及語用語境影響之下，語用推論的產生導引出重新分析，此轉喻強化現象，致使評注性情態副詞在階段發展中經歷了語法及語意之轉變。在語言使用之溝通目的下，評注性情態副詞透過語境誘發之重新解釋形成了歧義現象，並進一步固定化為獨立之語意。綜言之，奠基於臺灣客語語料庫之實際語料，本文提供了對評注性情態副詞全面的深入探索。研究結果具有兩項主要貢獻：將語法化，詞彙化和語用化的理論框架納入臺灣客語情態副詞之分析；並藉由語言實證展示情態與主觀性之間相互關係之理論模式。 / This dissertation takes a corpus-based approach in an attempt to explain the development of Taiwan Hakka modality disjuncts with epistemic interpretation on the theoretical ground of the mechanisms of linguistic change, including grammaticalization, lexicalization, and pragmaticalization. The main focus of this research is on the interaction between modality and the three mechanisms. A fine-grained analysis is provided to examine the morphological characteristics and syntactic structures of epistemic and evaluative modality disjuncts, exemplified by three cases in Taiwan Hakka. Several constructions and tests are manipulated to figure out the scope of modal disjuncts, which warrant the postulation of the scope hierarchy of illocutionary disjunct > modality disjunct (evaluative > epistemic) > adjunct, as well as the ranking of epistemic modal > deontic modal > dynamic modal. Thanks to their semantic-pragmatic contexts, the operation of pragmatic inferences lead them into reanalysis, giving rise to grammatical and semantic shift from one stage to the next. Metonymic strengthening is claimed to be the key to motivate such developments. The usage in a context triggers context-induced reinterpretation, resulting in ambiguity. Overall, this dissertation, probing into actual language usages from corpora, proposes a full-fledged analysis on modality disjuncts. The findings feature two significant contributions—an integration of the theoretical frameworks of grammaticalization, lexicalization and pragmaticalization into the analysis of Taiwan Hakka modality disjuncts; and a demonstration of linguistic investigation for the theorization on the relationship between modality and subjectivity.

日常生活中，由於表達的需要，說話者常會使用強化程度副詞，作為增強或強調其所欲言的一種手段。本論文旨在藉由觀察口語語料庫中的對話，將臺灣客語六個常見強化程度副詞「恁、當、蓋、盡、異、還」視作強化程度副詞詞群，進一步以[DI. + X] 結構討論以下面向：(一) 探討其後接修飾之成分在句法、語意層面之表現。本文發現其後接成分可分為典型成分類與非典型成分類，以形容詞一類為大宗，其後接成分會受到等級性（gradability）、有界與無界性（boundedness）等參數影響語意的解讀。(二) 探討強化程度副詞[DI. + X]結構於句法所扮演的角色。本文發現此結構多半出現在謂語之位置，除了強化語意外，同時也展現說話者之態度或對某主題之評價。(三) 探討強化程度副詞[DI. + X] 結構於口語使用中的語法化與詞彙化現象，本文認為這些現象由於溝通需要，亦會伴隨提升主觀性（subjectivity），尤其是強化程度副詞「恁」的主觀性為詞群中最高。藉由上述不同面向探討與分析臺灣客語六個強化程度副詞「恁」、「當」、「蓋」、「盡」、「異」、「還」之表現，以期能更系統性解釋強化程度副詞是如何在口語使用中展現與運作。 / The aim of the present study is to examine the [DI. + X] construction manifested by the six degree intensifiers 恁an2, 當dong1, 蓋goi3 , 盡qin3 ,異i3 , and還han5 in Taiwan Hakka based on their authentic usages in a spoken corpus. Three findings can be reported as follows. First, by exploring the modified elements from the aspect of their structure and meaning, the study classifies the modified elements into canonical and non-canonical usages. X as AP takes up the majority of the occurrences of the syntactic categories. Such manifestation can be accounted for various linguistic behaviors of gradability and boundedness. Second, the [DI. + X] construction usually serves as a predicate, the prominent grammatical function, in a clause. This implies that the [DI. + X] construction is generally adopted by different speakers to not only add intensity but also make judgements or comments. Third, the [DI. + X] construction displays grammaticalization and lexicalization. Due to communication needs, these linguistic phenomena can also motivate the subjectivity. It is found that the [恁an2 + X] construction can display the highest subjectivity among the six. To sum up, this study, with its analysis of different syntactic and semantic aspects of the six degree intensifiers in Taiwan Hakka, offers useful insights into explaining the manifestation of degree intensifiers during speech.