本論文採用Traugott (2010)及Hopper and Traugott (2003)的語法化觀點，探討台灣華語「給我」、台灣閩南語「共我」、及台灣客語「摎ngai」句式在動前位置的祈使用法，主要分析產生此祈使用法的背後動因與機制，包含類推(analogy)、重新分析(reanalysis)、轉喻(metonymy)、語用強化(pragmatic strengthening)、及語言接觸(language contact)等概念。本論文的另一焦點為探討台灣華語「給我」的評價用法，此為台灣華語的新興用法，尚未見於台灣閩南語及台灣客語中。本研究將提出，語法化、主觀性(subjectivity)、及主觀化(subjectification)能闡釋新興用法產生的動因與機制。 / This thesis aims to investigate the preverbal [gei wo], [ka gua], and [lau ngai] construction in Taiwan Mandarin, Taiwan Southern Min, and Taiwan Hakka. The original meaning of these constructions presents beneficial meaning, but they can also frequently appear in imperative constructions. While the extant literature has discussed the pragmatic functions of the imperative meaning, why and how the imperative meaning emerges is still unexplored. Aspects of grammaticalization are adopted (cf. Traugott 2010; Hopper and Traugott 2003). To elaborate how and why the imperative meaning emerges, syntactic and semantic mechanisms and their motivations are proposed. The other issue of the thesis aims to explore the newly emergent evaluative [gei wo] construction in Taiwan Mandarin. In addition to mechanisms and motivation for its development, the notion of subjectivity and subjectification plays a crucial role to account for the motivation for the emergence of the construction in question. Overall, this thesis illuminates the notion that the emergence of special constructions can derive from their original constructions through cognitive and functional foundation.

日常生活中，由於表達的需要，說話者常會使用強化程度副詞，作為增強或強調其所欲言的一種手段。本論文旨在藉由觀察口語語料庫中的對話，將臺灣客語六個常見強化程度副詞「恁、當、蓋、盡、異、還」視作強化程度副詞詞群，進一步以[DI. + X] 結構討論以下面向：(一) 探討其後接修飾之成分在句法、語意層面之表現。本文發現其後接成分可分為典型成分類與非典型成分類，以形容詞一類為大宗，其後接成分會受到等級性（gradability）、有界與無界性（boundedness）等參數影響語意的解讀。(二) 探討強化程度副詞[DI. + X]結構於句法所扮演的角色。本文發現此結構多半出現在謂語之位置，除了強化語意外，同時也展現說話者之態度或對某主題之評價。(三) 探討強化程度副詞[DI. + X] 結構於口語使用中的語法化與詞彙化現象，本文認為這些現象由於溝通需要，亦會伴隨提升主觀性（subjectivity），尤其是強化程度副詞「恁」的主觀性為詞群中最高。藉由上述不同面向探討與分析臺灣客語六個強化程度副詞「恁」、「當」、「蓋」、「盡」、「異」、「還」之表現，以期能更系統性解釋強化程度副詞是如何在口語使用中展現與運作。 / The aim of the present study is to examine the [DI. + X] construction manifested by the six degree intensifiers 恁an2, 當dong1, 蓋goi3 , 盡qin3 ,異i3 , and還han5 in Taiwan Hakka based on their authentic usages in a spoken corpus. Three findings can be reported as follows. First, by exploring the modified elements from the aspect of their structure and meaning, the study classifies the modified elements into canonical and non-canonical usages. X as AP takes up the majority of the occurrences of the syntactic categories. Such manifestation can be accounted for various linguistic behaviors of gradability and boundedness. Second, the [DI. + X] construction usually serves as a predicate, the prominent grammatical function, in a clause. This implies that the [DI. + X] construction is generally adopted by different speakers to not only add intensity but also make judgements or comments. Third, the [DI. + X] construction displays grammaticalization and lexicalization. Due to communication needs, these linguistic phenomena can also motivate the subjectivity. It is found that the [恁an2 + X] construction can display the highest subjectivity among the six. To sum up, this study, with its analysis of different syntactic and semantic aspects of the six degree intensifiers in Taiwan Hakka, offers useful insights into explaining the manifestation of degree intensifiers during speech.