以往從句法或詞彙學的角度對漢語複合動趨結構［V-D-lai/qu］的研究，並沒有達到具全盤性且令人滿意的共識。本篇論文採用了詞彙化的觀點，認為從語意及構詞句法兩個方面出發，藉由探討複合動趨結構由句法轉向詞彙的過程，有助於理解此一結構在詞彙句法上表現的紛歧。 　　我們認為複合動趨結構立基於［D-lai/qu］，並據此推論出三個相關類型：詞彙結構［V-［D-lai/qu］］和句法結構［［V-D］…lai/qu］及［V…［D-lai/qu］］。在［D-lai/qu］的詞彙化過程中，語意結構的改變促使詞彙句法結構隨之變動，而複合動趨結構因採用了［D-lai/qu］結構為基礎，也自然具備了同樣性質的變化。由上述複合動趨結構的例子中，證實了詞彙化過程中語意結構的改變通常早於詞彙句法結構，並會與之互動促其產生變化，進而步入更高一層的詞彙化階段。 / Traditional syntactic and lexical approaches do not reach a satisfactory conclusion to explain Mandarin complex V-Ds. In this thesis, the framework of lexicalization is adopted. Through discussing both semantic and morphosyntactic structures, lexicalization helps to clarify how complex V-Ds turn from syntactic constructions to lexical items. And this change can be a key point in explaining why complex V-Ds present variant syntactic behaviors, especially in relation to OBJs. It is asserted that the complex V-Ds must be built on the [D-lai/qu] structure. According to it, three patterns in complex V-Ds are formulated: lexical [V-[D-lai/qu]] structure and syntactic [[V-D]…lai/qu] and [V…[D-lai/qu]] constructions. In the lexicalization of the [D-lai/qu] structure, deviation of “lai/qu” claims change in the semantic structure. And this change also affects the morphosyntactic structure, banning the syntactic realization of LOCATION argument. The same change is applied to complex V-Ds since the [D-lai/qu] structure is the basis of them. From the lexicalization process of the above two, semantic reduction does precede the grammatical reduction. Semantic structure interacts with morphosyntactic structure and the change in semantic structure urges morphosyntactic performances to alter. Since the morphosyntactic structure starts to change, the internal connections can become opaque and lead to a higher degree of lexicalization.

本論文探討「很X」構式在口語語料中的語意變化，透過「很X」在口語語料庫及電視節目語料中的分布，分析「很X」語法化及詞彙化的情形，藉由語言學的角度，提供未來華語教學實用多樣的內涵。 過去相關文獻多集中於構式、詞類的分析，較少使用口語語料作為研究素材，而言談過程常是造成語言變化的重要因素，因此本文應用語法化及詞彙化理論，探討政治大學口語語料庫及公視節目「爸媽囧很大」中「很X」的分布情形，分析詞類結構、句法範疇及字數三個方面。兩個語料來源中「很X」的分布情形一致，「很」的語法化一直演變，「X」可擔任的範疇向其他詞類擴張，也可以由單詞、詞組、句子等字數不同的單位擔任。「很X」也藉由詞彙化持續演變，「很X」凝結為一個單位，用以修飾其他詞組或是句子。「很」除了保有表示高程度的副詞功能外，亦開始具有突顯「X」特性的功能，與特定詞類搭配時，「很X」必須一起出現才足以表達說話者的意思，這些現象顯示了「很X」的主觀性有逐漸提升的趨勢。本文以語法化和詞彙化理論來分析討論口語語料中「很X」的句法語意變化以及分布情形，研究結果可提供華語教學者進行相關學術研究、編撰教材以及實地教學的素材來源。 / The study aims to investigate the syntactic and semantic changes of hěn X constructions in spoken copora. Many studies have discussed the history of hěn, the development of its degree adverb function and the host expansion of X. To understand the gradual changes of hěn X in daily usages, the study, extracting the data from the NCCU Corpus of Spoken Chinese and Taiwan Public Telivision show, examines the grammaticalization and lexicalization patterns of hěn X . Several findings are found. First, the syntactic and semantic distributions of both sources are consistent. While adjectives and stative verbs still claim the majority of X, new categories of words are discovered, showing host expansion of hěn X. Second, not only words but also phrases and clauses can play the role of X. The flexibility of the length of hěn X demonstrates the gradual grammaticalization of hěn.On the other hand, hěn X can also be used as a unit to modify other grammatical constittuents, showing lexicalization process is also happening regarding. In particular, when hěn X is regarded as a unit, hěn appears to be obligatory, not only indicating degree but also highlighting the characteristics of X. The analysis of the spoken materials also clearly demonstrates that subjectivity is increasing in hěn X. These findings of hěn X in spoken copora can be applied to linguistic studies and Mandarin teaching.

本文研究漢語的連動結構。首先我們先將連動結構的定義做一個清楚的界定，之後再從動詞間的語意面著手，對連動結構中動詞間的語意關係，提出詳盡的說明與解釋。除此之外，根據連動句中詞彙的受限性以及動詞間的語意關聯性這兩個原則，我們再進一步將漢語的連動結構區分為四個類型。最後，我們從句法的層面切入來探討漢語的連動結構。我們認為不同的語意解讀是由於不同的句法結構所導致。 / This thesis investigates serial verb constructions (SVCs) in Mandarin Chinese. The serial verb constructions are often confused with other superficially similar structures; thus, the first objective of this study is to explicitly delimitate the definition of SVCs and to differentiate them from other structures. In addition, we will further explore the semantic relationship between the serial verbs and classify SVCs into several types according to the V1-V2 correlations, the independence between sub-events, and the lexical restrictiveness of the verbs. We will then analyze the syntactic relationship of the verbs. Finally, we also propose that there are two possible structures for SVCs in Mandarin. Chapter 1 is a brief introduction of the term “serial verb construction.” We will first go over its definitions, the functions it can convey, and the geographical distribution of languages with SVC. In Chapter 2, we will present the distinguishing characteristics of SVC and distinguish it from other similar structures. In Chapter 3, we will present different semantic correlations between the VPs. In Chapter 4, we will classify Mandarin SVCs into different subtypes based on the lexical and semantic criteria. Chapter 5 presents the tentative syntactic analyses of Mandarin SVCs. Chapter 6 concludes this paper.

本論文「客語「放」及其同類動詞：框架語義與構式之互動」以Fillmore (1985)提出的「框架語義」以及Goldberg (1995)等學者提出的「構式語法」觀點為基礎，分析客語「放」字構式呈現的多義現象。客語「放」字涉及「使動事件」：空間位移與狀態變化。本文著重分析「使動結構」與客語「放」字在動賓、動補及句子等構式中語意－句法的互動。同時藉助隱喻與轉喻的強化，說明客語「放」字延伸語意之間的關聯性，並進一步闡述客語「放」字在動賓結構中詞彙化為複合詞的現象。此外，本文亦檢視客語其他放置類動詞：方向同類動詞、工具同類動詞、方式同類動詞，經由審視其詞彙化類型與框架語義之互動，說明其語意內涵與句法上的表現。因此，本論文經由分析詞彙化類型與探討事件架構中參與角色的展現與否，說明客語放置類動詞語意與句法間的相互關係。 / English verbs describing putting, a prototypical exemplar of a caused-motion activity, have been pervasively found to be the first acquired and the most frequently used verbs in many languages. Their semantic compatibility with various syntactic structures reinforces the association between verbal meanings and the constructions, giving rise to a grouping of related but distinct senses (Goldberg et al. 2004). Piong3 (放) ‘to put’ in Hakka is abundant in semantics. The basic meaning of piong3 designates a common pattern of human experience: An animate entity exerts manual force upon a physical object and causes the object to move. Adopting Goldberg’s (1995) Constructions and Fillmore’s (1985) Frame Semantics, this study aims to account for the meaning relatedness latent in piong3 and explicate the shades of meaning rooted in the set of its congeners with different degree of family resemblance. It is argued that the delicate nuances denoted by piong3 are derived from the interaction between frames and constructions while the extended meanings of piong3 are linked to its typical use through various metaphors and metonymies such as CONTAINER, EVENT STRUCTURE, CHANGE OF STATE AS CHANGE OF LOCATION metaphors and ACTION FOR RESULT metonymy. Furthermore, with regard to congeners of piong3 in Hakka, it is maintained that differences in profiling and lexicalization patterns capture the primary difference between piong3 and its congeners. Specifically, piong3 does not lexicalize other semantic elements (i.e. path, means, manner, result, and etc.) into its lexical meaning whereas its congeners explicitly do so, in that three subtypes of the congeners can be identified: directional congeners, means congeners, and manner congeners.

本論文依據現代客語語料庫，探討臺灣客語評注性情態副詞在語法化、詞彙化以及語用化運作之下的發展過程，以及情態與語言演變機制之間的關係。藉由三個知識性情態詞，本文對於評注性情態副詞之分佈、語義和句法特徵進行詳細的描述。藉由檢視其構式結構以及運用相關測試，證實評注性情態副詞不但遵守副詞修飾範域：話語行為副詞 > 情態副詞 (評論副詞 > 知識性情態副詞) > 附加副詞，也同樣依循情態詞之階層分佈：知識性情態詞 > 義務性情態詞 > 動力性情態詞。在他們所處之語意語境以及語用語境影響之下，語用推論的產生導引出重新分析，此轉喻強化現象，致使評注性情態副詞在階段發展中經歷了語法及語意之轉變。在語言使用之溝通目的下，評注性情態副詞透過語境誘發之重新解釋形成了歧義現象，並進一步固定化為獨立之語意。綜言之，奠基於臺灣客語語料庫之實際語料，本文提供了對評注性情態副詞全面的深入探索。研究結果具有兩項主要貢獻：將語法化，詞彙化和語用化的理論框架納入臺灣客語情態副詞之分析；並藉由語言實證展示情態與主觀性之間相互關係之理論模式。 / This dissertation takes a corpus-based approach in an attempt to explain the development of Taiwan Hakka modality disjuncts with epistemic interpretation on the theoretical ground of the mechanisms of linguistic change, including grammaticalization, lexicalization, and pragmaticalization. The main focus of this research is on the interaction between modality and the three mechanisms. A fine-grained analysis is provided to examine the morphological characteristics and syntactic structures of epistemic and evaluative modality disjuncts, exemplified by three cases in Taiwan Hakka. Several constructions and tests are manipulated to figure out the scope of modal disjuncts, which warrant the postulation of the scope hierarchy of illocutionary disjunct > modality disjunct (evaluative > epistemic) > adjunct, as well as the ranking of epistemic modal > deontic modal > dynamic modal. Thanks to their semantic-pragmatic contexts, the operation of pragmatic inferences lead them into reanalysis, giving rise to grammatical and semantic shift from one stage to the next. Metonymic strengthening is claimed to be the key to motivate such developments. The usage in a context triggers context-induced reinterpretation, resulting in ambiguity. Overall, this dissertation, probing into actual language usages from corpora, proposes a full-fledged analysis on modality disjuncts. The findings feature two significant contributions—an integration of the theoretical frameworks of grammaticalization, lexicalization and pragmaticalization into the analysis of Taiwan Hakka modality disjuncts; and a demonstration of linguistic investigation for the theorization on the relationship between modality and subjectivity.

日常生活中，由於表達的需要，說話者常會使用強化程度副詞，作為增強或強調其所欲言的一種手段。本論文旨在藉由觀察口語語料庫中的對話，將臺灣客語六個常見強化程度副詞「恁、當、蓋、盡、異、還」視作強化程度副詞詞群，進一步以[DI. + X] 結構討論以下面向：(一) 探討其後接修飾之成分在句法、語意層面之表現。本文發現其後接成分可分為典型成分類與非典型成分類，以形容詞一類為大宗，其後接成分會受到等級性（gradability）、有界與無界性（boundedness）等參數影響語意的解讀。(二) 探討強化程度副詞[DI. + X]結構於句法所扮演的角色。本文發現此結構多半出現在謂語之位置，除了強化語意外，同時也展現說話者之態度或對某主題之評價。(三) 探討強化程度副詞[DI. + X] 結構於口語使用中的語法化與詞彙化現象，本文認為這些現象由於溝通需要，亦會伴隨提升主觀性（subjectivity），尤其是強化程度副詞「恁」的主觀性為詞群中最高。藉由上述不同面向探討與分析臺灣客語六個強化程度副詞「恁」、「當」、「蓋」、「盡」、「異」、「還」之表現，以期能更系統性解釋強化程度副詞是如何在口語使用中展現與運作。 / The aim of the present study is to examine the [DI. + X] construction manifested by the six degree intensifiers 恁an2, 當dong1, 蓋goi3 , 盡qin3 ,異i3 , and還han5 in Taiwan Hakka based on their authentic usages in a spoken corpus. Three findings can be reported as follows. First, by exploring the modified elements from the aspect of their structure and meaning, the study classifies the modified elements into canonical and non-canonical usages. X as AP takes up the majority of the occurrences of the syntactic categories. Such manifestation can be accounted for various linguistic behaviors of gradability and boundedness. Second, the [DI. + X] construction usually serves as a predicate, the prominent grammatical function, in a clause. This implies that the [DI. + X] construction is generally adopted by different speakers to not only add intensity but also make judgements or comments. Third, the [DI. + X] construction displays grammaticalization and lexicalization. Due to communication needs, these linguistic phenomena can also motivate the subjectivity. It is found that the [恁an2 + X] construction can display the highest subjectivity among the six. To sum up, this study, with its analysis of different syntactic and semantic aspects of the six degree intensifiers in Taiwan Hakka, offers useful insights into explaining the manifestation of degree intensifiers during speech.