司馬遷的經濟思想是反對漢武帝中央集權下「與民爭利」的對撞產物。武帝為政時期，發動頻繁的漢匈戰役，致使國庫空虛，財政大臣桑弘羊便開設一系列增稅、鹽鐵官營、均輸平準與幣制改革等相關政策來因應。然這些措施，短時間內能增豐國庫，但長期執行時會減弱國家的競爭力，因此司馬遷提出「善者因之，其次利道之，其次教誨之，其次整齊之，最下者與之爭」的善因論，即自由經濟主張。 司馬遷認為追求利益是人之本性，也是亂源的開始，唯有讓人民的趨利性合理化，同時以禮義教化人民，才能營造一個富而好禮的社會，故富裕是穩定社會秩序的基礎。唯有讓經濟領導政治，才是長期保有國家競爭力的良策。至於該如何提倡自由經濟？司馬遷認為應從重視商業活動開始，讓商業探測市場需求，來帶動其他產業的產能。他對政治家范蠡與民間企業家白圭兩人相當推崇，佩服他們治國或是治家的本領。他認同白圭所說，治生有方的人需具備「智、勇、仁、彊」的人格特質，故將春秋戰國與西漢前期，一些具有這些特質的富商大賈，選入〈貨殖列傳〉，給予「素封」的封號，認為這群貨殖人物，不靠爵位、仕途，憑自己的巧智與努力，享有不輸君王般的富貴與尊榮。 司馬遷因遭遇李陵之禍，在「家貧，貨賂不足以自贖」的窘境下，被處以宮刑。他省思當朝的財經政策，諸多策略是應戰爭需求而籌措的經費，而他遭遇宮刑不就是因為漢匈對戰，才引發的連鎖效應嗎？這層層的思考，啟動他對政治、經濟議題的敏銳思維，他把這些歷史寫入〈平準書〉中，大談武帝在位期間的重要財政改革，又在《史記》之末書寫〈貨殖列傳〉，將治生有方的良賈事蹟，寫入史書，樹立貨殖人物的典範，以供後世參考，期許每人都能用財自衛不被侵犯。 司馬遷是中國史上第一個將民間企業的活動寫入史書的史學家，從他撰寫的角度可知他見證到國家在寬鬆制度下的市場活力，當國家對財經制度的掌控越低，越能產生一些優秀的貨殖家。 司馬遷身處西漢時代，他已嗅到戰國時期商業興盛的氣息，藉著早年遊走大江南北的旅遊經歷，對秦時已開發的水利工程，促進區域經濟的發展，感觸甚深。他體悟到都會地區的經營能帶動文化事業的發展，故好好經營城市，讓文明的輻射源，從城市往外拓展，便能提升人的精神層次。 綜觀司馬遷談經濟議題，其終極目標是想推行仁政，他感受到國家執行的每一財經措施，無不影響人民的生活品質，認為經濟是民生大事也是國家大事，施政者需體會到唯有民富才能國富。 / Sima Qian's economic thought was the product of the collision which the country competed with the people for the interest. It was also the product that opposed to Han Dynasty’s centralization. During his reign of Emperor Wu-ti, he launched frequent campaigns and resulted in the void of the state treasury. The Minister of the Finance, Sang Hong Yang, set up a series of polices related to tax increases, government-run salt, public procurement and stabilizing prices to cope with it. However, these measures could only increase the nation’s wealth in a short time, they would weaken the country's competitiveness in a long-term. So, Sima Qian put forward “The Economic theory of Shan Yin.” The best way to improve the economic was to follow the free market; the second was to guide the people; the third was to teach them; the forth was to restrict them with the law; and the fifth was to compete the profit with people. Sima Qian thought that the pursuit of interest was human’s nature, but it also was the source of society’s chaos in the beginning. Only when people made the profit to be rationalized, and people be taught with the manner and rituals did government make a rich, propriety society, and ethical society. Therefore, richness was the foundation for a stable society and country. The best policy for the country to maintain the long-term national competition was to let the economics lead the politics. As for how to promote the free economy? He thought that the government could attach importance to business activities to let commerce explore the market demand and boost the production capacity of other industries. He highly praised both two people (politicians, Fan Li and private entrepreneur, Bai Gui). He admired them for their abilities of statecraft and managing the household. He agreed what Bai Gui said, “The one who maintained livelihood in the right way needed to has wisdom, courage, benevolence, and perseverance personality.” By choosing some wealthy merchants who met with these genius as the paradigm in Spring and Autumn Period Warring States and early Western Han Dynasty, he booked them into the “Huo Zhi Biography” in Shihchi ; and gave them the title of Su-Feng ( powerful person without the title of nobility). According to Sima Qian’s opinion, they didn’t rely on the birth of nobility and official career. They depended on their own ingenuity and hard work to obtain the upper position of dignitary and wealth as kings. Sima Qian suffered implication by vindicating for Li Ling who had surrendered in the war ,and was punished to be castrated because he couldn’t afford to pay for the ransom. After that, He stated to make the reflection about the country’s finical policy and found out that a lot of tactics of fund-raising were merely for the war. His personal suffering (being castrated) was the best evidence to prove one of the Chain Reaction of results that caused by launching the campaign with its enemy-Hsiungnu in Western Han Dynasty . These clues helped him to light up his keen thought about politics and economic issues ,and record these history in the “Book of Stabilized Prize” in Shihchi. He discussed about the importance of fiscal reform during the reign of the Emperor Wu-ti in Western Han-Dynasty and put the“ Huo Zhi Biography” in Shihchi. He wrote down the stories of the Business men who held livelihood in the right way in the history ,and set up the pattern of “Huo Zhi Biography” for the reference of the latter generation. He hoped that each person could use the wealth as the self-defense weapon and not to be encroached by other people or countries. Sima Qian was the first Historian who had recorded the activities of the private enterprises of the ancient China on the book in the official history. From his point of view, we might learn that he had witnessed the market vitality under loose system. When a country takes the loose policies to the finance and economics system, some outstanding entrepreneurs will be developed. Though, Sima Qian was born in Western Han Dynasty, he had become aware of the messages of commercial prosperity in the Warring States period. By taking the trips around, he gained some travel experiences ,and had a great stirring of emotion about the Hydraulic engineering that had been constructed in former Qin Dynasty. For it could promote regional economic development. He figured out that if the government managed the Metropolitan areas well, it could prosper cultural establishment. Therefore, to operate the city well is the good way to let the source of the civilized radiation explore everywhere and upgrade the level of human’s spirit. To sum up, the goal of Sima Qian’s economics issues is trying to carry out the policy of benevolence and good administration. He thought that the implementation of financial measures would all affect people's quality of life. In addition, the economics was a great event for both people and the country. It not only influenced people’s livelihood but power of a nation. The governor needed to understand that only when people were rich, the country could be powerful.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

世界各國在經過亞洲金融危機、次貸風暴、歐債危機…等事件後，經濟遭受重創，各國為求經濟成長，區域經濟整合(Regional Economic Integration,REI)逐漸盛行成為趨勢，透過自由貿易協定（Free Trade Agreement, FTA）盼能吸引外資熱錢長期投資以增進成長動能，於是藉由規劃自由經濟區（Free Economic Zone,FEZ）做為貿易競爭的工具，以提昇國家競爭力。 我國因特殊的政治因素及獨特的地理環境因素，導致加入國際組織的困難及必須依靠對外貿易以獲得資源。自由經濟示範區（Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones, TFEPZ）的推動代表著政府想引進外資邁向國際化的決心，但在面對國際政治困境、經濟邊緣化、政府朝野對立的情況下，政策及法規的鬆綁與否成為立法院朝野互相攻防的要點。 本研究藉由在貿易上與我國在國際間既合作又競爭且具有密切關係的中國大陸、韓國、日本等三國，藉由研究其自由貿易區政策之內容及推動現況，與我國政策進行比較分析，期能發現不足之處，進而參考借鏡提出相關建議，期許其未來發展得以更臻完善。 / The world's economy has been plagued by a series of financial disasters in recent years, including the Asian financial crisis, subprime mortgage crisis, and the European debt crisis. To revive economy, countries around the world have been seeking deeper cooperation through regional economic integration (REI). Governments have signed free trade agreements (FTA) to draw long-term foreign investments in an attempt to jumpstart growth. They have established free economic zones (FEZ) to boost international trades and improve national competitiveness. However, due to political and geological environment, Taiwan faces a great challenge when trying to join international organizations. Besides, the country has to rely on international trades to acquire necessary resources for growth. The launch of Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones (TFEPZ) demonstrates the government's determination to attract foreign investments and play a more important role in the global economy. Yet, given the international political hurdles, risks of economic marginalization, and constant gridlock between the ruling party and the opposition parties in Taiwan, it will be a great challenge for the Legislative Yuan to relax related regulations after a series of fierce debates. This research investigates policies and implementation results of FTZs in South Korea, Japan, and Mainland China—one of Taiwan's close trade partner and competitor. By analyzing and comparing FTZ policies in Taiwan, Mainland China, South Korea, and Japan, this research aims to find some aspects of improvement and provide constructive suggestions for the better development of Taiwan Free Economic Pilot Zones.

隨著Web 2.0社群媒體服務的普及化，越來越多的民眾開始運用網際網路發表自身對於政府治理的需求與看法，大量的民意資訊在網絡的交互連結下，迅速集結成可觀的網路輿情。由於網路輿情具備巨量資料的特性，使得當前各政府部門熟悉的分析方法，似乎產生適用上的困難。因而網路輿情分析的出現，成為當前政府洞察民意的新興工具。更重要的是，如何運用網路輿情分析進一步與政策面產生實質的連結，如探究網路輿情分析當中情緒分析對於政策立場解讀的可能性，對公共管理者而言更為重要。再者，網路輿情分析目前尚缺乏一套檢測方法來驗證其分析結果的信效度。因此，本研究的目的在於，運用網路輿情分析所撈取的輿情資料，比較新聞網站、社群網站、討論區及部落格四類來源在情緒分析與立場分析之差異，最後運用情緒與立場來解讀網路輿情。 研究設計，本文採用次級資料分析法及內容分析法，次級資料來自2014年行政院國發會委託政治大學蕭乃沂教授所主持的「政府應用巨量資料精進公共服務與政策分析之可行性研究」，本文以「自由經濟示範區政策」作為個案分析。研究發現，在立場分析方面，新聞網站及部落格是支持立場的言論最多；而社群網站及討論區則是反對立場的言論最多。情緒分析方面，四類來源皆以負向情緒的言論為主，正向情緒的言論相對少；透過情緒與立場的交叉分析顯示，機器會產生兩類誤判情形，第一類誤判是被機器判讀是正向情緒，但人工判讀為反對立場的言論，以社群網站的來源居多；第二類誤判是被機器判讀是負向情緒，但人工判讀為支持立場的言論，以新聞網站的來源居多。 依此研究發現，本文建議未來實務者在應用網路輿情分析時，不能僅以整體網路輿情分析的結果輕斷，必要時應將不同網路言論來源個別觀察，特別是當負向情緒的輿論出現時，應優先留意社群網站的動向。此外，針對輿情的高峰期也可對照新聞網站的分析結果，了解是否受到特定新聞報導的牽動而引起網民的討論。值得注意的是，針對社群網站中正向情緒的輿論，實務者也不能過於樂觀，因為部份正向情緒的言論可能是帶有網民「拐彎抹角」的反對。 / In the era of Web 2.0, more and more people express their opinions for public governance on the Internet. Massive public opinions are quickly generated. However, it seems difficult to analyze for government because of the feature of big data. Internet public opinion analysis(IPOA) has become new analytical methods for public managers. The purpose of this study is to use IPOA to mine large amounts of policy opinions and conduct sentiment analysis(SA) comparing with political positions analysis(PPA) in the news sites, forums, social networking sites and blogs. Finally, interpreting the network of public opinion by SA and PPA. Secondary data analysis and content analysis are applied. Secondary data collected by the Research, National Development council, the Executive Yuan. A Case Study of Free Economic Pilot Zones Policy is selected. In terms of PPA, the results reveal more supporting political opinions in the news sites and blogs. And more opposing political opinions in the social networking sites and forums. In terms of SA, four types of sources are negative emotions in large part. By cross-analysis, SA and PPA have difference on results. There will be two types of false judgments by SA with machine. One is judged positive emotion by machine, but opposing political opinions by coders, such as social networking sites. The other is judged negative emotion by machine, but supporting political opinions by coders, such as news sites. From this study, author suggests that practitioners should separately make the necessary observation of various networks rather than only determine on overall results as using IPOA. Especially, giving priority to the social networking sites when the opposing political opinions emerge. Moreover, the peak period for opposing political opinions in the social networking sites can be compared with the events in the news sites. It is noteworthy that practitioners should pay attention to the partial positive comments in social network sites with“irony”remarks.

1998年在全球各地環保團體、消費者團體、社會正義團體等非政府組織跨國串聯反對下，擊敗了正在經濟合作暨發展組織為了一致化外國直接投資規則進行的多邊投資協定談判，這是非政府組織成功在全球經濟治理領域發揮影響力的重要案例。本論文的研究目的在於探討：第一、反對多邊投資協定談判的非政府組織跨國倡議活動為什麼成功及如何成功；第二、他們反對的理由是什麼；第三、從這個案例來看非政府組織倡議活動正在或將對國際政治經濟決策過程帶來何種程度的衝擊。這個個案研究使用Margaret E. Keck與Kathryn Sikkink的跨國倡議網絡（transnational advocacy network, TAN）理論，分析公民反抗行動如何成功影響在全球層次的政治決策，TAN理論強調議題共鳴、網絡密度、與目標對象脆弱性三種因素的重要性。本論文除了用這三種因素檢視反多邊投資協定運動過程，並發現非政府組織的倡議活動是否能夠與政府力量取得連結的重要性，作為TAN理論的補充。其次，本論文發現反多邊投資協定運動策略性地轉變為以國內為基礎的運動，透過國內爭議政治的傳統反抗手法向政府表達公民的訴求，以避開國際組織對非政府組織不利的政治機會結構，呈現出與TAN理論的「迴力鏢效果」相對立的發展。最後，這個個案研究發現反多邊投資協定運動更接近基於民族主義的傳統政治，而不能說是一種世界主義政治的發展。世界主義論者預期在一個形成中的全球公民社會中國家的角色正在消退，在這個案例中顯然並無法獲得足夠的證明。 / In 1998, a transnational NGO coalition of environmentalist, consumer rights, and social justice activists helped to defeat the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), a draft treaty to harmonize rules on foreign direct investment under the aegis of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This dissertation addresses why and how the transnational NGO advocacy sank the MAI negotiation, what are their advocacy reasons, and to what extent the transnational NGO advocacy activities will influence and are influencing the international decision making process. This case study uses Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink’s transnational advocacy network (TAN) theory, which stresses the importance of issue resonance, network density, and target vulnerability, to explore how citizen’s resistance struggle succeed in influencing policy at global level. First, in supplementing Keck and Sikkink’s TAN theory, the work suggests whether the NGO advocacy links with its governmental power is also at stake. Second, contrary to the “boomerang effect” from their TAN theory, the work finds that the transnational NGO campaign against MAI strategically shifted to country-based campaigns to address citizen’s claims through traditional repertoire of contention politics, in bypassing unfavorable political opportunity structure in international arena. Finally, the anti-MAI campaign was found to be much closer to traditional politics in a view of nationalism than the alleged cosmopolitan politics, which expects the role of state has eroded in an emerging global civil society.