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論文中Tough-與Middle-結構句中的"容易"、"好"、與"難" / Between Tough and Middle: On Mandarin Rongyi, Hao, and Nan劉淑梅, Liu, Shu Mei Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文旨在研究中文"容易","好",與"難"所屬的句式,內部結構,及此三者混淆難辨的原因。
我們認為"容易"屬Tough-結構,乃由Raising- 句主題化而來。"好"則屬Middle- 結構,是經詞彙律衍生而成。此分析正確的解釋二者表現之異同。
由歷史演變觀之,"難"應屬Tough- 結構,為"容易"之反義詞。但因近代Middle- 結構興起,表面結構與Tough同,類化作用於焉產生,"難看"為一例。 / This study aims to identify the constructions of rongyi, hao, and nan sentencesin Mandarin, analyze their internal structure, and provide appropriate accountstoward the long-term confusion among these three.
Rongyi, in our analysis, is a gradable stative verb leading a tough construction.The so-called Tough Construction in Mandarin is a topicalized raising construc-tion with a generic subject. This analysis not only captures the generalization among similalr constructions (Raising Construction, Tough Construction, and topicalized sentences) but also accounts for its characteristics such as overtagent, long-distance binding, and so on.
Hao is a prefix triggering Middle Rule which surpresses all the theta-roles of atransitive active verb but the patient-like one (with the feature [-r]), yieldinga statve verb haoV as a middle predicate. The appropriateness of middles is subject to two pragmatic constraints, which further support our treatment of middle as a lexical process. The lexical approach successfully explains the surpressed agent, the inseparability between hao and V, and some other characte-ristics of middles.
Judging from diachronic evidence, nan is basically the antonym of rongyi and ap-pears in a raising construction, tough construction, and topicalized sentences as rongyi does. Analogy takes place, however, that in some cases, nan and its following verb are reanalyzed and undergo semantic shift due to its identical linear order with middleconstruction. That reflects the characteristics of languagechange.
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論元改變規則: 中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置現象 / Function-Changing Rules: Dative Shift and Locative Inversion in Mandarin Chinese黃惠婷, Huang, Hui Ting Unknown Date (has links)
本篇論文以詞彙映照理論 (Lexical Mapping Theory) 為理論基礎,討論
中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置的現象。藉由詞彙映照理論,本篇論文
顯示中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置的現象是受了詞彙律(
morpholexical rule)的影響。本篇論文進而指出論元結構的改變在於詞
彙律是否參與映照過成。如果一個句子可由述結構所管轄的論元結構和語
法功能相互映照而預測出它的表面結構,我們便視這個句子為基本的語法
結構。如果一個句子在映照過成中需要詞彙律參與運作才能預測出它的表
層結構,我們便將之歸類為衍生的句法結構。
In the current theory of Lexical Functional Grammar, the
lexical Mapping Theory (LMT) distinguishes itself with its non-
transformational prediction of the surface structures of
sentences. This thesis demonstrates that with a revised LMT,
we gain a new insight on the syntactic account of Mandarin
dative construction and locative inversion. The revised LMT
asserts for a null intrinsic value for the goal and locative
roles, a morpholexical operation on primitive features and a
principle of underspecification. The intrinsic classifications
is motivated from the concept of prototype. The morpholexical
operation may add but not change features. The principle of
underspecification signifies the spirit of markedness. With
this revised LMT, we focus our concern on how the functional
structures of dative construction and locative inversion are to
be syntactically projected via the mapping principles that
govern the correspondence between thematic roles of the
argument structure and grammatical functions. Within the
framework of this revised LMT, the Dative Shift and
alternations between locative phrase and locative inversion are
explained with the operation of morpholexical rules. In this
thesis, kernal dative constructions and locative phrase are
defined as structures without morpholexical rules whereas the
derived dative construction and locative inversion are
interpreted as sentence structutes mediated by morpholexical
operations.
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漢語動結式中的中心語與論元體現 / Headedness and argument realization in mandarin resultative compounds吳郁賢, Wu, Yu Hsien Unknown Date (has links)
有關漢語動結式的議題,中心語與論元體現皆呈現了複雜的現象。就中心語這部份,過去研究(Cheng & Huang, 1994; Gu, 1992; Huang & Lin, 1992; Y. Li, 1990, 1993, 1995, 1999; C. Li, 2008, 2009; Shen, 1992; Tai, 2003)的論點相當分歧,顯示漢語動結式中心語的位置仍有討論的空間;至於論元體現方面,由於論元與詞類間的互動會帶出許多不同的語意和句法表現,而先前的研究(Her, 2004, 2007; Li, 1990, 1995)尚未足以完整的解釋這些情形。
本研究主要從詞彙的角度來探討中心語和論元體現這兩個議題。首先,依照Her (2004, 2007)的分析方式,本研究嘗試排列出漢語動結式合法的論元結構,並利用這些論元結構描述各個動結式的論元體現,解釋可能的語意及句法結構。接著,同樣根據所提出的合法論元結構,以顯現的論元為主,並採用有關判斷中心語的假設(Zwicky, 1984; Y. Li, 1990, 1995; Chung, 2006; C. Li, 2008, 2009),整理出漢語動結式中心語的位置。最後,詞彙功能語法中的詞彙映照理論驗證了本研究前半部分對論元體現與中心語的討論,這個理論也另外解釋漢語動結式處所詞倒置的現象。 / Two issues regarding Mandarin resultative compounds, headedness and argument realization, present a complex phenomenon. For one thing, extensive studies (Cheng & Huang, 1994; Gu, 1992; Huang & Lin, 1992; Y. Li, 1990, 1993, 1995, 1999; C. Li, 2008, 2009; Shen, 1992; Tai, 2003) concerning headedness fail to critically determine the head of a Mandarin resultative compound. For another, despite previous research (Her, 2004, 2007; Li, 1990, 1995), the interaction between arguments and grammatical functions of Mandarin resultative compounds remains inconclusive.
To settle the foregoing matters, the purpose of this thesis is to probe into argument realization and headedness from a lexicalist approach, aiming to provide a full account of both issues. In the first part of this thesis, following Her’s (2004, 2007) analysis, the thesis focuses on formulating systematic feasible argument structures for Mandarin resultative compounds, then examining the argument structures of a resultative compound to explain its possible readings and syntactic representations. Based on the available argument structures proposed in the first half, the second part of the thesis investigates the headedness of Mandarin resultative compounds, suggesting that the head can be determined when arguments are overt. The criterion for headedness that is adopted in this thesis involves assumptions proposed by Zwicky (1984), Y. Li (1990, 1995), Chung (2006), and C. Li (2008, 2009). Finally, the thesis demonstrates that both issues of argument realization and headedness are well governed by Lexical Mapping Theory and that Lexical Mapping Theory further clarifies constructions with locative inversion of Mandarin resultative compounds.
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論中文範域論旨角色 / On the thematic role extent in mandarin Chinese謝依庭, Xie, Yi Ting Unknown Date (has links)
範域 (Extent)這個論旨角色在漢語中是個常見卻鮮少被研究的論旨角色 (Halliday, 1964; Teng, 1975; Dowty, 1991; Huang, 1993; Her, 2009),本研究旨在探討漢語中的範域論旨角色並且為以客體(Theme),感受者(Experiencer),以及範域(Extent)三個論旨角色為論元的句子提出合理的解釋,例如 “一本書寫了他三年”此類句子。
本篇論文的第一部份探討漢語中的數量詞(number expression)以及時間詞(duration)並且指出在漢語中他們經常被指派為範域論旨角色(Extent)。接著探討 “一本書寫了他三年”此類句子,並且提出活動動詞(activity verb)以及達成動詞(accomplishment verb)會模仿心理動詞(psych verb)因此產生此類句型,也就是客體(Theme)在主詞位置,而感受者(Experiencer)以及範域(Extent)為受詞。由於動詞 ‘寫’模仿了心理動詞,而且此類句型著重在受詞受到動詞的影響,因此原本的主事者(Agent) ‘他’成為主事者和感受者的複合角色(composite role),但是只有感受者參與詞彙照映(lexical mapping)。論文最後一部份為“一本書寫了他三年”此類句子進行詞彙照映(lexical mapping),本篇論文參照Zaenen (1993)的混合解釋方法(mixed account)以及Her (1999, 2003, 2007)的統一映照理論(unified mapping principle)成功的解釋了此類句子的論元體現(argument realization) 。 / Extent (Dowty, 1991; Her, 2009) is also referred to as Range (Halliday, 1964; Teng, 1975) or Domain (Huang 1993). It is a less studied yet commonly seen thematic role in Mandarin Chinese. This thesis aims to investigate the thematic role Extent in Mandarin Chinese, and to propose an explanation for the sentence where the verb has three arguments as Theme, Experiencer and Extent, such as yi4ben3 shu1 xie3le5 ta1 san1 nian2 ‘It took him three years to write a book’.
In the first part, this thesis explores the thematic role Extent in Mandarin Chinese, and it is proposed that number expression and duration be considered as Extent. Then, the sentences having three arguments such as in the sentence yi4ben3 shu1 xie3le5 ta1 san1 nian2 ‘It took him three years to write a book’ are investigated. It is proposed that activity verb and accomplishment verb model the syntactic behavior of psych verb so that they can have Theme in the subject position and Experiencer and Extent as two complements. Since the activity verb xie3 ‘write’ models the psych verb and the sentence structure focuses on the [affected] feature of the object, the Agent ta1 ‘he’ becomes a composite role of Agent and Experiencer, but only the Experiencer can participate in the lexical mapping. In the last part of the thesis, the lexical mapping of the sentence yi4ben3 shu1 xie3le5 ta1 san1 nian2 ‘It took him three years to write a book’ is demonstrated. This thesis adopts Zaenen’s (1993) mixed account and Her’s (1999, 2003, 2007) unified mapping principle (UMP) to successfully account for the argument realization of the sentence.
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Argument-Function Linking in Yami:An Optimality-Theoretic Account / 雅美語的論旨角色與語法功能連結:以優選理論分析鄧敦弘 Unknown Date (has links)
本論文旨在描述並嘗試以優選詞彙功能語法理論(OT-LMT)處理雅美語的論旨角色與語法功能的連結。雅美語的論旨角色與語法功能連結呈現出作格語言的特性,以致跟中文或英文有很大的差別。並且雅美語的連結又受到了焦點系統的影響,所以更加的複雜。現存的連結理論無論是以變換語法理論為基礎或以詞彙語法為基礎的,似乎都無法很直接簡潔的描述雅美語。本論文嘗試架構一個以優選理論為基礎的新連結模型,並且除了將之使用在雅美語上之外,也同時以這個新的模型來處理中文和英文中的連結。由於優選理論具有彈性的特性,這三種語言不同的連結模式,都可以被包含在這個新的模型當中。 / This thesis studies the problem of argument-function linking in Yami and makes the fundamental claim that linking in Yami shows an ergative pattern, quite different from that in accusative languages, such as Mandarin and English. The linking phenomenon in Yami is complicated by its special voice system. Existing linking theories do not account for Yami straightforwardly. In trying to find a framework that can handle the Yami data, we find the flexibility of Optimality Theory a promising solution. The first part of this thesis is a description of the argument-function linking pattern in Yami and the proper place of the voice system is also discussed. And then we review several grammatical theories on linking. Both transformation-based theories and lexicalist theories are examined. We will demonstrate how these theories fail to account for linking in Yami in a straightforward manner. Thus we provide an optimality-theoretic account based on the lexical mapping theory of Lexical-Functional Grammar. This newly developed framework is applied not only to the Yami data but also to the relevant Mandarin and English data. It is claimed that this framework can accommodate all three different languages.
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