This study examines how English laypeople and clergy of lower ranks were taught the basic principles of Christian doctrine as articulated in the Apostles’ Creed and Articles of Faith. Chapter one addresses the theological and historical background. Over the course of the twelfth century, school-based theologians came to place an increasing emphasis on faith as a cognitive state while at the same time moral theologians sought to make sure that all Christians had a basic participation in the life of the Church. These trends led to an effort by the Church as an institution to make sure that all Christians had at least a basic understanding of the Christian religion. Chapter two examines how the episcopate carried out a drive to ensure this basic level of understanding through the venues of councils, synods, and deanery and archdeaconry meetings. In all three of these venues, the requirements of making sure the laity know the Creed and Articles of Faith were passed on to parochial clergy, and through these clergy to the laity. Chapter three concerns one particular aspect of presenting the basics of doctrine to the laity, viz., preaching. An examination of a sample of three works of religious instruction for clergy and three sets of model sermons shows how parochial clergy, Franciscans, and Dominicans preached the basics of Christian doctrine. The distribution of the manuscripts of these works shows a broad distribution among parochial clergy, Augustinian canons, and Franciscan and Dominican friars. Such a broad distribution suggests that the Augustinian canons may have been carrying out a good deal of pastoral care and catechetical instruction and that the ready access of preaching aids to clergy indicates that those with responsibility of preaching Christian doctrine to laypeople would have had resources available to do so. Chapter four concerns vernacular literature as a means of religious instruction. Most thirteenth-century literature of religious instruction was in Anglo-Norman, a language spoken and read by aristocrats, clergy, and the upwardly mobile. Three Anglo-Norman works, the Château d’amour by Robert Grosseteste, the Mirour de Seinte Eglyse by Edmund of Abingdon, and the Manuel des pechez by William of Waddington all contain the foundational Christian doctrines contained in the Articles of Faith. The manuscript distribution of all three show that they were owned by both clergy and laity, indicating that they served as teaching aids for clergy, and also that they served to provide laypeople who could afford copies of them with unmediated religious instruction. The broad conclusion of this thesis is that the available evidence shows that the basic principles of Christian doctrine were available both to the lower clergy who would preach and teach the Creed and Articles of Faith and also to the laity who would receive this preaching and instruction.

This dissertation examines the ways that books can show the place of magic in fifteenth-century English society. Specifically, I am interested in what was important about magic to people and how magic was used by people in the creation of their identities, both as individuals and within the community. As I explore these issues, I aim to demonstrate that magic freely co-mingled with non-magical texts in manuscripts. Furthermore, this mixing of magical and non-magical texts is a vital part of understanding magic’s role in the shaping of people’s identities, both public and private. Chapter one presents the results of a preliminary survey of magic in fifteenth-century English manuscripts. I clarify how I delineate between texts – magical and non-magical and between genres of magic. This chapter also uses a series of case studies to look at some of the issues of ownership that are dealt with in more detail in the later chapters of this thesis. Chapters two, three, and four look at individual manuscripts in depth. In Chapter two, I examine how a lower gentry household used their notebook to establish their place within a strata of the gentry that was increasingly interested in medical and scientific texts in the fifteenth century. Chapter three looks at the private notebook of an anonymous scribe and how its owner combines the ordinary and transgressive qualities of magic to create an identity for himself that is based on a quasi-clerical masculinity and the ludic qualities of magic. Chapter four concerns Robert Taylor’s medical notebook, which he may have used as a part-time medical practitioner, and the insight it gives into the everyday concerns of medieval people. Chapter five is an examination of the book of an early fifteenth-century Cistercian monk named Richard Dove. Dove’s notebook contains a copy of the Ars notoria, the only manuscript containing ritual magic that I study in this dissertation. I argue that Dove, unlike other monastic users of the Ars notoria, does not use the text for its spiritual benefits, but its material benefits as part of his desire to participate in a broader intellectual culture outside the monastery.

In this dissertation I provide an edition of the treatise on usury (De usuris, bk. 2, tit. 7) contained in the Dominican friar John of Freiburg’s (d. 1314) Summa confessorum (ca. 1298) – a comprehensive encyclopedia of pastoral care that John wrote for the benefit of his fellow friar preachers and all others charged with the cure of souls. The edition is prefaced by a detailed biography of John of Freiburg, an account of the genesis of the Summa confessorum that places the work in the context of John’s other literary productions, a commentary on the contents of the treatise on usury, and a study of the influence of John’s treatise on subsequent confessors’ manuals up to the end of the fourteenth century with a special concentration on the history of the Summa confessorum on usury in England. Based on an analysis of the social function of confessors’ manuals and the reception history of John’s treatise on usury, I contend that the Summa confessorum offers us a window into what many medieval men and women of all social classes in widespread areas of Europe might have known about the medieval Church’s prohibition of taking interest in a loan. As a prominent vehicle for the popularization of medieval canon law, then, the Summa confessorum occupies a significant place in the intellectual and social history of the Late Middle Ages. Finally, I argue that John’s choices in crafting his treatise on usury were ultimately influenced to a significant extent by the clash of economic interests between the old landed aristocracy and the rising burgher class in Freiburg, where John wrote the Summa confessorum and served as lector of the Dominican convent for over thirty years.

This is a study of a Roman legal document of unknown date and debated origin conventionally known as the Edictum Theoderici (ET). Comprised of 154 edicta, or provisions, in addition to a prologue and epilogue, the ET is a significant but largely overlooked document for understanding the institutions of Roman law, legal administration and society in the West from the fourth to early sixth century. The purpose is to situate the text within its proper historical and legal context, to understand better the processes involved in the creation of new law in the post-Roman world, as well as to appreciate how the various social, political and cultural changes associated with the end of the classical world and the beginning of the Middle Ages manifested themselves in the domain of Roman law. It is argued here that the ET was produced by a group of unknown Roman jurisprudents working under the instructions of the Ostrogothic king Theoderic the Great (493-526), and was intended as a guide for settling disputes between the Roman and Ostrogothic inhabitants of Italy. A study of its contents in relation to earlier Roman law and legal custom preserved in imperial decrees and juristic commentaries offers a revealing glimpse into how, and to what extent, Roman law survived and evolved in Italy following the decline and eventual collapse of imperial authority in the region. Such an examination also challenges long-held assumptions as to just how peaceful, prosperous and Roman-like Theoderic’s Italy really was.

This dissertation examines the ways that books can show the place of magic in fifteenth-century English society. Specifically, I am interested in what was important about magic to people and how magic was used by people in the creation of their identities, both as individuals and within the community. As I explore these issues, I aim to demonstrate that magic freely co-mingled with non-magical texts in manuscripts. Furthermore, this mixing of magical and non-magical texts is a vital part of understanding magic’s role in the shaping of people’s identities, both public and private. Chapter one presents the results of a preliminary survey of magic in fifteenth-century English manuscripts. I clarify how I delineate between texts – magical and non-magical and between genres of magic. This chapter also uses a series of case studies to look at some of the issues of ownership that are dealt with in more detail in the later chapters of this thesis. Chapters two, three, and four look at individual manuscripts in depth. In Chapter two, I examine how a lower gentry household used their notebook to establish their place within a strata of the gentry that was increasingly interested in medical and scientific texts in the fifteenth century. Chapter three looks at the private notebook of an anonymous scribe and how its owner combines the ordinary and transgressive qualities of magic to create an identity for himself that is based on a quasi-clerical masculinity and the ludic qualities of magic. Chapter four concerns Robert Taylor’s medical notebook, which he may have used as a part-time medical practitioner, and the insight it gives into the everyday concerns of medieval people. Chapter five is an examination of the book of an early fifteenth-century Cistercian monk named Richard Dove. Dove’s notebook contains a copy of the Ars notoria, the only manuscript containing ritual magic that I study in this dissertation. I argue that Dove, unlike other monastic users of the Ars notoria, does not use the text for its spiritual benefits, but its material benefits as part of his desire to participate in a broader intellectual culture outside the monastery.

In this dissertation I provide an edition of the treatise on usury (De usuris, bk. 2, tit. 7) contained in the Dominican friar John of Freiburg’s (d. 1314) Summa confessorum (ca. 1298) – a comprehensive encyclopedia of pastoral care that John wrote for the benefit of his fellow friar preachers and all others charged with the cure of souls. The edition is prefaced by a detailed biography of John of Freiburg, an account of the genesis of the Summa confessorum that places the work in the context of John’s other literary productions, a commentary on the contents of the treatise on usury, and a study of the influence of John’s treatise on subsequent confessors’ manuals up to the end of the fourteenth century with a special concentration on the history of the Summa confessorum on usury in England. Based on an analysis of the social function of confessors’ manuals and the reception history of John’s treatise on usury, I contend that the Summa confessorum offers us a window into what many medieval men and women of all social classes in widespread areas of Europe might have known about the medieval Church’s prohibition of taking interest in a loan. As a prominent vehicle for the popularization of medieval canon law, then, the Summa confessorum occupies a significant place in the intellectual and social history of the Late Middle Ages. Finally, I argue that John’s choices in crafting his treatise on usury were ultimately influenced to a significant extent by the clash of economic interests between the old landed aristocracy and the rising burgher class in Freiburg, where John wrote the Summa confessorum and served as lector of the Dominican convent for over thirty years.

This thesis presents a series of case studies of early medieval narratives about the non-Roman, non-biblical distant past. After an introduction that briefly outlines the context of Christian traditions of historiography in the same period, in chapter two, I examine the Gothic histories of Jordanes and Isidore, and show how they present different methods of reconciling notions of Gothic independence with the heritage of Rome. Chapter three looks at the Trojan origin narratives of the Franks in the Fredegar chronicle and the 'Liber historiae Francorum', and argues that this origin story, based on the model of the Roman foundation myth, was a means of making the Franks separate from Rome, but nevertheless comparable in the distinction of their origins. Chapter four studies Paul the Deacon’s 'Historia Langobardorum', and argues that although Paul drew more on oral sources than did the other histories examined, his text is equally not a record of ancient oral tradition, but presents a synthesis of a Roman, Christian, and of non-Roman and pagan or Arian heritages, and shows that there was actually little differentiation between them. Chapter five is an examination of 'Waltharius', a Latin epic drawing on Christian verse traditions, but also on oral vernacular traditions about the distant past; I suggest that it is evidence of the interpenetration between secular, oral, vernacular culture and ecclesiastical, written and Latin learning. 'Beowulf', the subject of chapter six, is similar evidence for such intercourse, though in this case to some extent in the other direction: while in 'Waltharius' Christian morality appears to have little of a role to play, in 'Beowulf' the distant past is explicitly problematised because it was pagan. In the final chapter, I examine the further evidence for oral vernacular secular historical traditions in the ninth and tenth centuries, and argue that the reason so little survives is because, when the distant past had no immediate political function—as origin narratives might—it was normally seen as suspect by the Church, which largely controlled the medium of writing.

The problem in this thesis was originally motivated by problems presented with documents of Early England Data Set (DEEDS). The central problem with these medieval documents is the lack of methods to assign accurate dates to those documents which bear no date. With the problems of the DEEDS documents in mind, we present two methods to impute missing features of texts. In the first method, we suggest a new class of metrics for measuring distances between texts. We then show how to combine the distances between the texts using statistical smoothing. This method can be adapted to settings where the features of the texts are ordered or unordered categoricals (as in the case of, for example, authorship assignment problems). In the second method, we estimate the probability of occurrences of words in texts using nonparametric regression techniques of local polynomial fitting with kernel weight to generalized linear models. We combine the estimated probability of occurrences of words of a text to estimate the probability of occurrence of a text as a function of its feature -- the feature in this case being the date in which the text is written. The application and results of our methods to the DEEDS documents are presented.

Le Livre Roisin est l'un des rares coutumiers français du XIIIe siècle. Il contient les coutumes de la ville de Lille, mises par écrit en 1267, puis recopiées et enrichies en 1297, en 1349 et enfin de façon continue jusqu'au XVIe siècle. Une dernière copie officielle fut faite en 1618-1619. L'analyse approfondie du plus ancien manuscrit du Livre Roisin qui nous soit parvenu, celui de 1349, révèle les secrets de son élaboration. Les nombreuses chartes, actes, arrêts et bans joints au coutumier à proprement parler durant plus de deux siècles donnent une vue d'ensemble des lois qui régissaient les Lillois du Moyen Âge. Au passage, les producteurs du recueil, les clercs de ville, ont laissé des traces de leur travail, de telle sorte qu'il est possible de dresser l'inventaire de leurs responsabilités et comprendre l'importance de ces officiers tant dans la perspective des institutions municipales médiévales que dans celle de l'historien, pour qui ils font partie de la chaîne de transmission des textes. De leur côté, les récepteurs, tout aussi discrets mais présents, se manifestent dans le détail de la procédure judiciaire que contient le document. L'utilisation qu'ils en ont faite, tantôt pratique, tantôt mémorielle surgit. Il en ressort que le recueil fût à la fois un aide-mémoire et un outil de défense de l'identité urbaine et même picarde. Enfin, le Livre Roisin est un outil privilégié pour l'étude de l'histoire de la ville, puisque sa rédaction et chacune de ses copies sont ancrées dans des événements politiques aux conséquences majeures pour la ville de Lille. / The Livre Roisin is one of the rare french customary of the XIIIth century. It contains the customs of the city of Lille, written down in 1267, then copied and expanded in 1297, 1349 and from then continuously until the XVIth century. One last manuscript copy was made in 1618-1619. Thorough analysis of the oldest manuscript of the Livre Roisin to have survived, that of 1349, reveals the secrets of its development. Numerous charter, acts, bans, and judgments that have been added to the customary for more than two centuries give an overview of the laws that governed the medieval Lillois. Incidentally, the producers of the collection, the clerks of town, have left traces of their work, so it is possible to take stock of their work and understand the importance of these officers both in view of municipal institutions and the medieval historian, for whom they are part of the chain of transmission of the texts. On the other hand, the receivers, just as discreet but nonetheless present, are evident in the detail of the proceedings contained in the document. Thus, the document was both practical and memorial. It was used as a reminder and as a powerful instrument to preserve urban and picard identities. Finally, the Livre Roisin is a tool for studying the history of the city, as his writing and each of its copies are rooted in political events with major consequences for the city of Lille.

The present dissertation attempts to follow and analyze each and every individual stage of food provisioning of a late medieval monastic community. Chapter One is an introductory survey, describing the topic, its status quaestionis, problems and methodology. Chapter Two establishes the geography of crops in the rural hinterland of Norwich, with each manor specializing in different crop. A close analysis of the crop geography partially supports the Von Thünen thesis. Chapter Three looks at the agricultural trends of the demesnes. Roughly speaking, the period between c. 1290 and 1370 was a history of wheat’s expansion at the expense of rye, on the one hand, and legume shrinkage at the expense of grazing land. Chapter Four discusses annual grain acquisition, its components and disposal. It shows that about eighty per cent of the total supply derived from harvest, while the remainder came in form of tithes, grants and purchases. Chapter Five deals with the human and equine interaction. The bovine population was certainly dominant, but the draught horses easily outnumbered the oxen. Each year,the Priory authorities saved a great deal of money, because of (virtually) free customary carting service. Chapter Six explores the space for storing and processing of the annual grain supply. The five adjacent buildings, namely the Great Granary, brewery, bakery, mill and staples, allowed most effective cooperation between dozens of Priory labourers working in victual departments, on the one hand, and decreased transportation costs. Chapter Seven attempts to establish the relation between the Priory population, its annual grain supply and demand. Conversion of the grain into approximate calorific and financial equivalent reveals that the supply must have exceeded the demand. Chapter Eight is deals with the actual consumption of the grain supply. As far as Norwich monks are concerned, their annual bread and ale supply has certainly exceeded their normal requirements and there is no hint about selling the surplus. Joining the bread and ale accounts with those of the cellar, we arrive at astonishing calorific figures. Chapter Nine discusses the charity activities of Norwich Priory, particularly connected to the distribution of bread and ale among the needy. There were three distinctive groups: hermits, prisoners and paupers. According to almoner’s accounts, the Priory allocated generous sums of loaves and ale to the paupers.