This dissertation presents a new perspective on the function of objects in late-medieval devotional practice through a study of the so-called Soissons group of thirteenth-century French Gothic ivories. These ivory diptychs were sophisticated tools constructed to guide the user through various spiritual exercises that led to prayer. The hitherto unexplained increase in the availability of ivory in mid-thirteenth-century France is accounted for by an alteration in the trade routes that brought elephant tusks from the Swahili coast of Africa to northern Europe: a newly-opened passage through the Straits of Gibraltar allowed a small amount of luxury goods to be shipped together with bulk materials necessary to the northern textile industries. The increasing supply required a revision of the structure of the thirteenth-century craft of ivory. The Soissons group, the first ivory diptychs fashioned during this time of growth in ivory markets, is subdivided into two sections. An itinerant master who traveled throughout the Picard region between 1235 and 1270 crafted the first group. Concurrently, three separate Parisian artists produced the second group based on a Picard model. This dissertation redates all the ivories substantially earlier than previously thought, conclusions which were attained through stylistic analysis. The dense Passion iconography shaped the diptychs’ function in private devotion. The narrative encouraged the viewer to practice a number of spiritual exercises—reading, memorization and compunction—analogous to the three reasons for allowing images in the Christian Church, the triplex ratio. The Passion diptych format introduced with these objects was immensely popular throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and its conservation over time underscored its effectiveness. The small differences in iconography and composition among the seven Soissons diptychs, however, were subtle modifications to adjust to different audiences and to hone the objects’ efficacy as tools for prayer.

This dissertation examines William of Ockham's theory of property rights in the Opus nonaginta dierum (1332) in the context of the other major Michaelist texts of the period. A corollary of the project is to examine to what extent Ockham, a theologian with no formal training in law, was able to exploit the resources of Roman and canon law to justify his theory of property rights. The first chapter outlines general methodological concerns. The second chapter describes John XXII's theory of property rights as it can be found in his major bulls of the 1320s. The subsequent chapters adopt a thematic approach. Chapters three through five analyse in turn the concepts of ius, dominium, and usus, which are hierarchically related concepts in the Michaelist texts. Chapter three examines ius in traditional legal discourse in order to provide a framework for understanding how the Michaelists employed the term; both the issue of positive and natural rights and the interaction of divine, natural, and positive law are examined. Chapter four examines dominium, here primarily understood as proprietary lordship, as it is justified in divine, natural, and positive law; the Franciscan position on the origin of private property also becomes clear. The fifth chapter deals with the Franciscan argument that usus must be understood not only in a legal sense. Franciscan use, they argue, is a rightless and legally indefensible sort of use because it lacks a connection to ius. The sixth chapter explores how the Michaelists explained that one may justly use something that is consumed through use without ever holding property rights over it, while the seventh explores the Franciscan theory of corporate rights in the face of Innocent IV's and John XXII's arguments about the supposedly fictive personality of corporations. A concluding chapter and three appendices round out the dissertation. The first appendix illustrates how Michael of Cesena adapted Bonaventure's theory of a 'fourfold community of temporal things'. The second compares the structural interrelationship of the Michaelist texts. The final appendix tabulates Ockham's use of canon and Roman law with respect to the writings of the pope and the other Michaelists.

The present dissertation attempts to follow and analyze each and every individual stage of food provisioning of a late medieval monastic community. Chapter One is an introductory survey, describing the topic, its status quaestionis, problems and methodology. Chapter Two establishes the geography of crops in the rural hinterland of Norwich, with each manor specializing in different crop. A close analysis of the crop geography partially supports the Von Thünen thesis. Chapter Three looks at the agricultural trends of the demesnes. Roughly speaking, the period between c. 1290 and 1370 was a history of wheat’s expansion at the expense of rye, on the one hand, and legume shrinkage at the expense of grazing land. Chapter Four discusses annual grain acquisition, its components and disposal. It shows that about eighty per cent of the total supply derived from harvest, while the remainder came in form of tithes, grants and purchases. Chapter Five deals with the human and equine interaction. The bovine population was certainly dominant, but the draught horses easily outnumbered the oxen. Each year,the Priory authorities saved a great deal of money, because of (virtually) free customary carting service. Chapter Six explores the space for storing and processing of the annual grain supply. The five adjacent buildings, namely the Great Granary, brewery, bakery, mill and staples, allowed most effective cooperation between dozens of Priory labourers working in victual departments, on the one hand, and decreased transportation costs. Chapter Seven attempts to establish the relation between the Priory population, its annual grain supply and demand. Conversion of the grain into approximate calorific and financial equivalent reveals that the supply must have exceeded the demand. Chapter Eight is deals with the actual consumption of the grain supply. As far as Norwich monks are concerned, their annual bread and ale supply has certainly exceeded their normal requirements and there is no hint about selling the surplus. Joining the bread and ale accounts with those of the cellar, we arrive at astonishing calorific figures. Chapter Nine discusses the charity activities of Norwich Priory, particularly connected to the distribution of bread and ale among the needy. There were three distinctive groups: hermits, prisoners and paupers. According to almoner’s accounts, the Priory allocated generous sums of loaves and ale to the paupers.

This dissertation presents a new perspective on the function of objects in late-medieval devotional practice through a study of the so-called Soissons group of thirteenth-century French Gothic ivories. These ivory diptychs were sophisticated tools constructed to guide the user through various spiritual exercises that led to prayer. The hitherto unexplained increase in the availability of ivory in mid-thirteenth-century France is accounted for by an alteration in the trade routes that brought elephant tusks from the Swahili coast of Africa to northern Europe: a newly-opened passage through the Straits of Gibraltar allowed a small amount of luxury goods to be shipped together with bulk materials necessary to the northern textile industries. The increasing supply required a revision of the structure of the thirteenth-century craft of ivory. The Soissons group, the first ivory diptychs fashioned during this time of growth in ivory markets, is subdivided into two sections. An itinerant master who traveled throughout the Picard region between 1235 and 1270 crafted the first group. Concurrently, three separate Parisian artists produced the second group based on a Picard model. This dissertation redates all the ivories substantially earlier than previously thought, conclusions which were attained through stylistic analysis. The dense Passion iconography shaped the diptychs’ function in private devotion. The narrative encouraged the viewer to practice a number of spiritual exercises—reading, memorization and compunction—analogous to the three reasons for allowing images in the Christian Church, the triplex ratio. The Passion diptych format introduced with these objects was immensely popular throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and its conservation over time underscored its effectiveness. The small differences in iconography and composition among the seven Soissons diptychs, however, were subtle modifications to adjust to different audiences and to hone the objects’ efficacy as tools for prayer.

This dissertation examines William of Ockham's theory of property rights in the Opus nonaginta dierum (1332) in the context of the other major Michaelist texts of the period. A corollary of the project is to examine to what extent Ockham, a theologian with no formal training in law, was able to exploit the resources of Roman and canon law to justify his theory of property rights. The first chapter outlines general methodological concerns. The second chapter describes John XXII's theory of property rights as it can be found in his major bulls of the 1320s. The subsequent chapters adopt a thematic approach. Chapters three through five analyse in turn the concepts of ius, dominium, and usus, which are hierarchically related concepts in the Michaelist texts. Chapter three examines ius in traditional legal discourse in order to provide a framework for understanding how the Michaelists employed the term; both the issue of positive and natural rights and the interaction of divine, natural, and positive law are examined. Chapter four examines dominium, here primarily understood as proprietary lordship, as it is justified in divine, natural, and positive law; the Franciscan position on the origin of private property also becomes clear. The fifth chapter deals with the Franciscan argument that usus must be understood not only in a legal sense. Franciscan use, they argue, is a rightless and legally indefensible sort of use because it lacks a connection to ius. The sixth chapter explores how the Michaelists explained that one may justly use something that is consumed through use without ever holding property rights over it, while the seventh explores the Franciscan theory of corporate rights in the face of Innocent IV's and John XXII's arguments about the supposedly fictive personality of corporations. A concluding chapter and three appendices round out the dissertation. The first appendix illustrates how Michael of Cesena adapted Bonaventure's theory of a 'fourfold community of temporal things'. The second compares the structural interrelationship of the Michaelist texts. The final appendix tabulates Ockham's use of canon and Roman law with respect to the writings of the pope and the other Michaelists.

Le Livre Roisin est l'un des rares coutumiers français du XIIIe siècle. Il contient les coutumes de la ville de Lille, mises par écrit en 1267, puis recopiées et enrichies en 1297, en 1349 et enfin de façon continue jusqu'au XVIe siècle. Une dernière copie officielle fut faite en 1618-1619. L'analyse approfondie du plus ancien manuscrit du Livre Roisin qui nous soit parvenu, celui de 1349, révèle les secrets de son élaboration. Les nombreuses chartes, actes, arrêts et bans joints au coutumier à proprement parler durant plus de deux siècles donnent une vue d'ensemble des lois qui régissaient les Lillois du Moyen Âge. Au passage, les producteurs du recueil, les clercs de ville, ont laissé des traces de leur travail, de telle sorte qu'il est possible de dresser l'inventaire de leurs responsabilités et comprendre l'importance de ces officiers tant dans la perspective des institutions municipales médiévales que dans celle de l'historien, pour qui ils font partie de la chaîne de transmission des textes. De leur côté, les récepteurs, tout aussi discrets mais présents, se manifestent dans le détail de la procédure judiciaire que contient le document. L'utilisation qu'ils en ont faite, tantôt pratique, tantôt mémorielle surgit. Il en ressort que le recueil fût à la fois un aide-mémoire et un outil de défense de l'identité urbaine et même picarde. Enfin, le Livre Roisin est un outil privilégié pour l'étude de l'histoire de la ville, puisque sa rédaction et chacune de ses copies sont ancrées dans des événements politiques aux conséquences majeures pour la ville de Lille. / The Livre Roisin is one of the rare french customary of the XIIIth century. It contains the customs of the city of Lille, written down in 1267, then copied and expanded in 1297, 1349 and from then continuously until the XVIth century. One last manuscript copy was made in 1618-1619. Thorough analysis of the oldest manuscript of the Livre Roisin to have survived, that of 1349, reveals the secrets of its development. Numerous charter, acts, bans, and judgments that have been added to the customary for more than two centuries give an overview of the laws that governed the medieval Lillois. Incidentally, the producers of the collection, the clerks of town, have left traces of their work, so it is possible to take stock of their work and understand the importance of these officers both in view of municipal institutions and the medieval historian, for whom they are part of the chain of transmission of the texts. On the other hand, the receivers, just as discreet but nonetheless present, are evident in the detail of the proceedings contained in the document. Thus, the document was both practical and memorial. It was used as a reminder and as a powerful instrument to preserve urban and picard identities. Finally, the Livre Roisin is a tool for studying the history of the city, as his writing and each of its copies are rooted in political events with major consequences for the city of Lille.

The problem in this thesis was originally motivated by problems presented with documents of Early England Data Set (DEEDS). The central problem with these medieval documents is the lack of methods to assign accurate dates to those documents which bear no date. With the problems of the DEEDS documents in mind, we present two methods to impute missing features of texts. In the first method, we suggest a new class of metrics for measuring distances between texts. We then show how to combine the distances between the texts using statistical smoothing. This method can be adapted to settings where the features of the texts are ordered or unordered categoricals (as in the case of, for example, authorship assignment problems). In the second method, we estimate the probability of occurrences of words in texts using nonparametric regression techniques of local polynomial fitting with kernel weight to generalized linear models. We combine the estimated probability of occurrences of words of a text to estimate the probability of occurrence of a text as a function of its feature -- the feature in this case being the date in which the text is written. The application and results of our methods to the DEEDS documents are presented.

No description available.

Les reliques sont des objets associés aux saints, ou au Christ. Une relique est porteuse d’une puissance spirituelle, une virtus, source de miracles. Depuis l’Antiquité et surtout le Moyen Âge, les reliques ont joué un rôle essentiel dans la vie des sociétés chrétiennes. Il n’en reste pas moins que les théologiens semblent n’avoir réservé au culte des reliques qu’une faible part de leurs écrits, au point d’être considéré par l’historiographie actuelle comme ayant eu « une élaboration théorique inversement proportionnelle à son importance ». Le présent mémoire se propose d’étudier, à travers les différents témoignages laissés sur le culte des reliques, durant l’Antiquité et le Moyen Âge, quelles ont pu être les conceptions, croyances et controverses autour du culte des reliques. L’hypothèse par conséquent proposée est celle d’un « problème des reliques », intimement lié aux évolutions du culte des saints et aux conceptions sur l’eucharistie tout au long du Moyen Âge. Un glissement se produit au cours du Moyen Âge, d’une critique jugée hérétique du culte en lui-même, à un refus des abus et du flou entourant ce culte au nom de l’orthodoxie. Ces paroles persistantes, à défaut d’un débat, sur la validité, les mécanismes mystiques et les abus d’un tel culte se sont ainsi cristallisées au XIIe siècle chez plusieurs auteurs contemporains, tels Thiofrid d’Echternach et surtout Guibert de Nogent, soulignant le besoin d’une élaboration théorique et d’une codification de ces pratiques. / Relics are items linked to the saints, or to the Christ. Relics carry spiritual power, called virtus, source of miracles. Since the Antiquity, and especially since the Middle Age, relics played an essential part in the life of christian societies. The fact remains that the medieval theologians seemed to have reserved, for the cult of relics, a small part of their writings, as to be regarded by historians as having been presenting "a theoretical elaboration inversely proportional to its significance " and did not elicit any debate. This thesis thus proposes to study, through the various accounts left on the cult of relics, the ancient and medieval, what were the views, beliefs and controversies around the cult of relics. The hypothesis is therefore proposed that a "problem of the relics" existed, throughout the Middle Age, intimately linked to developments in the cult of saints and ideas on the Eucharist. A shift occurs during the Middle Ages, from a criticism, considered heretical, of the cult itself, to a denial of abuse and vagueness of this cult in the name of orthodoxy. These persistent speeches, if not a debate, about the validity and the mystical mechanisms and abuse of such a cult, would be well crystallized in the twelfth century, reflected in many contemporary writers, such as Thiofrid Echternach and especially Guibert of Nogent, stressing the need for theoretical development and codification of these practices.

Ce mémoire porte sur le traité de Venise de 1201, passé entre les barons de la Quatrième Croisade et la république de Venise, pour l’affrètement d’une flotte incluant transport et vivres. L’étude du Traité est d’autant plus importante que, les croisés manquant à leurs obligations, cet accord eut un impact déterminant sur la suite de la Croisade, se plaçant ainsi au cœur de sa déviation vers Constantinople. Le mémoire analyse d’abord la nature et l’ampleur des engagements pris par Venise, en essayant de quantifier et de mesurer en termes économiques le nombre de bateaux et de croisés transportés, ainsi que le poids et le coût des provisions pour hommes et chevaux. Cette analyse, basée sur la comparaison avec des contrats analogues, prouve que la somme de 85 000 marcs d’argent convenue avec les barons n’était en rien exagérée. Parallèlement, le mémoire évalue ce que pouvait signifier, dans le contexte économique de l’époque, une telle somme, et tente d’identifier les raisons pour lesquelles les croisés furent dans l’impossibilité d’honorer leur part du contrat. Cette analyse montre que, contrairement à une certaine historiographie traditionnelle, il serait faux d’imputer aux Vénitiens la responsabilité du détournement de la Croisade ou de les taxer d’intransigeance, de cupidité, voire de duplicité. L’effort fourni par la République indique qu’elle mit tout en œuvre pour que l’entreprise fût une réussite. L’interruption du commerce, la construction de nombreux navires, la réquisition de milliers de marins pour manœuvrer la flotte et la logistique pour approvisionner des dizaines de milliers d’hommes témoignent toutes de l’ampleur de l’implication vénitienne. C’est le défaut de paiement des croisés, qui força le doge Henri Dandolo à se commettre plus avant encore, joignant irrémédiablement la fortune de la ville marchande à celle de l’expédition. / This master’s thesis is about the Treaty of Venice, made in 1201 between the Fourth Crusade’s barons and the Republic of Venice, regarding the transportation and provisioning of a fleet bound for the Levant. The importance of this study stems from the Crusaders’ default on their obligation, which had a decisive impact on the course of events, thus placing it at the heart of the Crusade’s deviation to Constantinople. First, this study analyses the nature and scale of Venice’s undertaking, attempting to quantify and measure in economic terms the number of ships and passengers onboard, as well as the supplies’ weight and cost, for both men and horses. This analysis, based on analoguous contracts, proves the agreed sum of 85 000 silver marks was in no way exaggerated. Also, the analysis weighs the importance of such a sum in the economic context of the times, and tries to identify the reasons of the crusaders’ shortcomings. Despite a certain traditional historiography, this analysis demonstrates that Venice cannot bear the brunt of the responsibility for the Crusade’s deviation, and that blaming their uncompromisingness, their greed, or even their duplicity, is wrong. The sheer effort provided by the Republic, indicates it took every measure to warrant the venture’s success. The interruption of far-away trade, the construction of numerous ships, the requisition of thousands of sailors to man them, and the logistics needed to supply tens of thousands, display well the Venetians’ dedication. It is the crusaders’ failure to pay which triggered doge Enrico Dandolo to commit further, thus irremediably joining his city’s fortunes to those of the expedition.