Ce mémoire insère les compagnie della calza dans le parcours de vie des patriciens vénitiens. Après avoir présenté une théorisation de l’âge comme système de catégorie, nous décrivons le fonctionnement des institutions encadrant l’âge dans la République vénitienne avant l’enregistrement obligatoire des naissances, qui commence en 1506. Ensuite, nous montrons comment, au même titre que l’intégration progressive aux institutions républicaines, les compagnie della calza participaient au processus d’éducation des jeunes patriciens. Nous avançons l’hypothèse que les transformations que connaît la réglementation de l’âge dans le premier tiers du XVIe siècle auraient pu contribuer à la disparition des compagnie della calza : à partir de 1531, l’ouverture du poste de Savio ai Ordini aux jeunes de vingt-ans ans aurait plutôt favorisé l’éducation des jeunes de l’élite patricienne dans les institutions républicaines, retirant une des raisons d’être des compagnies. Enfin, il présente une étude de cas consacrée à deux compagnies, les Reali et les Floridi. En retraçant les carrières politiques des anciens compagnons, nous confirmons l’idée, avancée par Robert Finlay, d’une République vénitienne gérontocratique, dominée par les patriciens les plus âgés. / This dissertation inserts the compagnie della calza within the life paths of Venetian patricians. After a theorisation of age as a system of categories, we describe how the institutions regulating age in the Venetian Republic worked before the mandatory registration of birth (starting in 1506). We then show how participation to compagnie della calza was part of the education process of young patricians, in parallel to their progressive assimilation into republican institutions. Therefore, we argue that the transformations of age regulations in the first third of the 16th-century contributed to the disappearance of the compagnie della calza : after 1531, the opening of the office of savio ai ordini to 25 year olds instead favoured the education of elite patrician youth within republican institutions, which impacted the purpose of the companies. Finally, we offer a case study of two companies, the Reali and the Floridi. By following the political careers of former members, we confirm the hypothesis put forward by Robert Finlay of a Venetian gerontocracy dominated by the oldest of patricians.

La ville de Liège, à la fin du Moyen Âge, fut le théâtre de l’affirmation de ses bourgeois par l’entremise des corporations de métier et des institutions communales. Le XIVe siècle fut en effet marqué par des gains communaux importants au détriment, d’une part, du patriciat urbain, d’autre part, du prince-évêque de Liège. À partir de 1384, le Conseil liégeois, entièrement entre les mains des artisans, possédait des prérogatives étendues dans l’administration et la gestion de la ville. Toutefois, la progression du pouvoir bourgeois se trouva brusquement stoppée, pour une dizaine d’années, lors de la défaite liégeoise d’Othée, en 1408. Ce mémoire porte sur l’évolution du pouvoir communal liégeois dans la première moitié du XVe siècle, moins bien connue des historiens. L’étude de la chronique de Jean de Stavelot permet de mettre en lumière cette période trouble. La défaite d’Othée de même que les réformes imposées par les princes-évêques causèrent notamment de grands bouleversements. Des partis politiques entrèrent aussi en scène et la présence voisine du puissant duc de Bourgogne influença la vie des Liégeois. Ces particularités issues du contexte politique et social sont autant d’éléments qui influèrent sur la volonté d’affirmation des bourgeois et l’exercice du pouvoir communal à Liège. / The city of Liege, in the late Middle Ages, witnessed the assertions of its bourgeois through their guilds and municipal institutions. The fourteenth century was indeed marked by significant gains for the municipal power at the expense of the urban patriciate on one hand and of the prince-bishop of Liege on the other hand. From 1384, the Council of Liege, entirely in the hands of the craftsmen, possessed extensive powers in the administration and management of the city. However, the growth of the power of these bourgeois was suddenly stopped for a decade after their defeat in Othee in 1408. This thesis discusses the evolution of communal power in Liege during the first half of the fifteenth century, less well known by historians. The study of the chronicle of Jean de Stavelot can highlight this troubled period. The defeat of Othee, as well as reforms imposed by prince-bishops, caused notably dramatic changes. Political parties also entered the scene and the neighboring presence of the powerful Duke of Burgundy influenced the lives of the bourgeois of Liege. These features of the political and social context are factors which influenced the willingness of the bourgeois’ assertion and the exercise of communal power in Liege.

Le Corrector sive Medicus est un pénitentiel rédigé par Burchard, évêque de Worms (1000-1025). Il s’agit d’un manuel destiné à guider les confesseurs lors de l’administration du sacrement de pénitence. Intégré dans le Decretum, l’œuvre majeure de Burchard, il compte parmis les pénitentiels les plus illustres. Il contient notamment un questionnaire très élaboré sur les péchés commis par les fidèles. Les 194 questions du Corrector sive Medicus constituent l’objet d’étude de ce mémoire. Entre le VIIe et le XIIe siècle, les pénitentiels forment une longue tradition littéraire où les textes se répètent constamment. Le questionnaire du Corrector sive Medicus se distingue du fait qu’il est rédigé en grande partie par Burchard lui-même. Les détails précis sur les survivances païennes et la religion populaire que l’évêque introduit dans son pénitentiel permettent, comme aucune autre source de la période, une analyse ethno-historique de la culture germanique. La première partie du mémoire est consacrée à la présentation du Corrector sive Medicus : j’y décris d’abord le contexte historique et biographique de l’œuvre, puis discute d’une herméneutique littéraire, pour enfin proposer une synthèse diachronique des traditions germaniques. La deuxième partie offre, pour la première fois en français, la traduction intégrale du questionnaire de Burchard, accompagnée de commentaires sur différents sujets ou problèmes soulevés par le texte, notamment ceux qui concernent la culture germanique. Finalement sont placés en annexe quelques documents qui témoignent, tout comme le Corrector sive Medicus, d’un syncrétisme religieux profondément enraciné dans les mœurs des Germains. / The Corrector sive Medicus is a penitential written by Burchard, the bishop of Worms (1000-1025). It is a book used by confessors to guide them when they must administer the Sacrament of Penance. It has been fully integrated into Burchard's greatest work, the Decretum, and is amongst the most complete of the known penitentials. It is mainly composed of an elaborate set of questions about the sins committed by the Church's followers. This thesis' subject matter regards the Corrector sive Medicus' 194 questions. Between the seventh and the twelfth century, penitentials were a literary tradition where texts were continuously reused. The Corrector sive Medicus' series of questions distinguishes itself from this because it mainly originates from Burchard himself. He introduces in his penitential precise details about pagan survivals and the popular religion that allow, more than any literary source of the time, an ethnohistorical analysis of Germanic culture. The first section of this thesis is dedicated to presenting the Corrector sive Medicus. I first describe the historical and biographical context surrounding its creation, then explain my method of analysis for the penitential, and finally propose a diachronic summary of Germanic traditions. The second section offers, for the first time in French, a complete translation of Burchard's series of questions, as well as comments pertaining to different themes or problems raised by it, most notably those concerning Germanic culture. Finally, some documents are appended to this thesis that show, similarly to the Corrector sive Medicus, a deeply rooted religious syncretism.

Le 27 mai 1406, le théologien parisien Pierre Plaoul comparaît devant la cour du Parlement de Paris en tant que représentant de l’Université de Paris dans une affaire qui l’oppose à l’Université de Toulouse. Il y prononce un sermon en latin, ce que la cour lui reproche instantanément, lui demandant de parler en français pour la prochaine séance. Le 7 juin, lors de sa deuxième comparution, il parle cette fois en langue vernaculaire et prononce un discours extrêmement différent du premier, autant dans son genre que dans son registre de citations. Les deux discours sont conservés dans le registre X1a4787 des Archives nationales de France. L’édition des discours permet de comprendre le raisonnement derrière leurs différences, mais il permet surtout de constater que le discours français fait état d’une érudition encore plus grande que son homologue latin et que son orateur n’était nullement gêné par l’usage de la langue vernaculaire. Remis dans le contexte historiographique actuel, il en ressort que l’utilisation du français par Plaoul concorde parfaitement avec l’abandon du modèle de rapport diglossique entre latin et français pour la fin du Moyen Âge, lui préférant plutôt un rapport de langues en contacts. Ce postulat est soutenu par les nombreuses occurrences d’universitaires médiévaux démontrant une excellente maîtrise d’un registre savant de la langue vulgaire, des poètes, aux prédicateurs en passant par les practiciens du droit. Un examen plus attentif de l’utilisation de la langue française par les docteurs en théologie du règne de Charles VI vient aussi appuyer l’hypothèse selon laquelle les universitaires du bas Moyen Âge considéraient la langue vernaculaire comme un instrument approprié à la transmission de la culture savante. / On May 27th 1406, the Parisian theologian Pierre Plaoul appeared before the court of the Parliament of Paris as a delegate of the University of Paris. His alma mater was involved against the University of Toulouse in an affair concerning the great schism. Plaoul made a speech in Latin, which the court immediately reproved, intimating him to speak French the next time. He did so on his second appearance on June 7th, but in a speech dramatically different from the first one. The French speech had a different genre and cited different authorities. Both instances are preserved in the X1a4787 register of the Archives nationales de France. The edition of both speeches helps us to understand the motivation behind such dramatic changes in style. But above all, it shows that the French speech was perhaps even more scholarly than the Latin one, and that the orator was not at all hindered by the use of French rather than Latin. Further analysis of the text shows that this instance is totally in line with the actual research’s tendency. Rather than viewing the relation between the vernacular and Latin of the late Middle Ages as being diglossic, current research prefers a dynamic of language contact. This view is supported by the many instances of medieval academics exhibit an excellent mastery of high-level French, be they poets, preachers or practitioners of law. A closer look at the use of the vulgar language by the doctors of theology during the reign of Charles VI also supports the hypothesis according to which late medieval scholars considered French as an apporiate mean of transmission for scholarly culture.

Ce mémoire a pour but de comparer l’état du clergé anglo-saxon de la période de la Regularis Concordia du Xe siècle, avec celui du clergé anglo-normand d’après conquête situé entre 1060 et 1150. La base de cette recherche se fera à partir des sources narratives les plus pertinentes pour cette période. Mais celles-ci ne seront utilisées qu’en support puisque l’essentiel de ce mémoire sera basé sur le dépouillement des listes d’archevêques, d’évêques et d’abbés ayant vécu entre 1060 à 1150. Nous détaillerons leurs origines géographiques, les charges qu’ils ont occupées durant leur vie de même que leurs réseaux sociaux. Nous tenterons de démontrer que contrairement à l’idée reçue, il n’y eut pas de véritable réforme du clergé anglo-normand suite à la conquête, mais davantage une mise à jour de ce dernier, et qu’en fait, le modèle de gouvernance qui fut imposé au clergé anglo-normand au tournant du XIIe siècle fut largement inspiré du fonctionnement de l’Église normande. / This thesis aims at comparing the state of the Anglo-Saxon clergy from the Regularis Concordia period of the 10th century with the state of the Anglo-Norman clergy of the post- conquest era from 1060 to 1150. This research will be based on the most relevant narrative sources available for this period. However, they will be used only as support since the main part of the thesis will be based on various listings of archbishops, bishops and abbots, who have lived between 1060 and 1150. We will study in details their geographic origins, the positions they held as well as their social networks. We will try to demonstrate that contrary to preconceived ideas, a true reform of the Anglo-Norman clergy did not occur following the conquest. The Anglo-Norman clergy was simply updated. Also, the governance model, which was imposed to the Anglo-Norman clergy at the turn of the 12th century, was largely inspired by the functioning of the Norman Church.

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“Holy Body, Wholly Other: Sanctity and Society in the Lives of Irish Saints” focuses on the ways in which Ireland’s hagiographers portrayed holy otherness in the Lives of their subjects, using the Latin vitae, the vernacular bethada and the Lives containing both languages that survive from the 600s through the end of the fourteenth century. This study considers three broad themes, namely the transition of a sanctified essence into a holy body and the resulting alteration of an otherwise mortal form into a wholly other, the saintly prosecution of vengeance against those who wrong the body Christian and the enactment of hagiographical healing to bring the community of the faithful back to full integrity. These themes are analyzed within the social and cultural context of medieval Ireland, and are particularly compared with the biblical, apocryphal, heroic and legal writings of the Irish Middle Ages. Depictions of male and female saints are also compared and contrasted, as are the shifts in such depictions that occur between Latin and Irish narratives. Throughout the Lives the language of the laws of church and society inform the saint’s portrait, firmly situating these holy men and women within the sphere of medieval Ireland. Elements of Irish sanctity are drawn from vernacular heroic saga, but the predominant influence upon the Lives of Ireland’s sanctified is a powerful combination of apocryphal and canonical scriptures, demonstrating that Irish holiness can only have emanated from heaven. This combination, moreover, differs between male and female saints and between Latin and Irish Lives; holy men are modeled very strongly upon both Old and New Testament figures, while lady saints are painted more in the hues of imitatio Christi. Further, Latin vitae follow patterns capable of speaking to both Irish and non-Irish audiences alike, while vernacular Lives observe models that needed to appeal only to the Irish themselves.

“Holy Body, Wholly Other: Sanctity and Society in the Lives of Irish Saints” focuses on the ways in which Ireland’s hagiographers portrayed holy otherness in the Lives of their subjects, using the Latin vitae, the vernacular bethada and the Lives containing both languages that survive from the 600s through the end of the fourteenth century. This study considers three broad themes, namely the transition of a sanctified essence into a holy body and the resulting alteration of an otherwise mortal form into a wholly other, the saintly prosecution of vengeance against those who wrong the body Christian and the enactment of hagiographical healing to bring the community of the faithful back to full integrity. These themes are analyzed within the social and cultural context of medieval Ireland, and are particularly compared with the biblical, apocryphal, heroic and legal writings of the Irish Middle Ages. Depictions of male and female saints are also compared and contrasted, as are the shifts in such depictions that occur between Latin and Irish narratives. Throughout the Lives the language of the laws of church and society inform the saint’s portrait, firmly situating these holy men and women within the sphere of medieval Ireland. Elements of Irish sanctity are drawn from vernacular heroic saga, but the predominant influence upon the Lives of Ireland’s sanctified is a powerful combination of apocryphal and canonical scriptures, demonstrating that Irish holiness can only have emanated from heaven. This combination, moreover, differs between male and female saints and between Latin and Irish Lives; holy men are modeled very strongly upon both Old and New Testament figures, while lady saints are painted more in the hues of imitatio Christi. Further, Latin vitae follow patterns capable of speaking to both Irish and non-Irish audiences alike, while vernacular Lives observe models that needed to appeal only to the Irish themselves.