Diss. Uppsala : Uppsala universitet., 2005.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Emmanuel Roberto Leal de Athayde.pdf: 643030 bytes, checksum: d17be0834930d49238a96a4bfea69da6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Anselm of Canterbury is a figure of the Middle Ages, considered the father of scholastic theology. As archbishop of Canterbury, he gained notoriety from his, later denominated, ontological argument, which presented, by use of philosophical concepts, a unique argument, capable of demonstrating the existence of God. This unique argument is found in the Proslogion, a book that addresses the existence of a being than which nothing greater can be conceived , considered a simplification of the Monologion, his previous work. By reading Anselm, his intension of addressing faith and reason is explicit, as, by working with a rational argument, he sought to explain something in which he previously believed. There is some research on Anselm and his argument, however, the main focus of these works lay on his philisofical reasoning, without exploring their theological matters. From this observation, the present research seeks to demonstrate the exposition of theological ideias in the Proslogion, expounding them under the comment of contemporary dogmatic theology. Also, consideration on the medieval context, the cultural, social, scholastic, theological and philosofical backgrounds and others, help comprehend the anselmian thought. / Anselmo de Cantuária é um personagem da Idade Média, considerado o pai da escolástica. Arcebispo da Catedral de Cantuária, que ficou conhecido basicamente pelo seu argumento denominado posteriormente de ontológico, que visava apresentar, valendo-se de conceitos filosóficos, um argumento único capaz de demonstrar a existência de Deus. Esse argumento único encontra-se no Proslogion, uma obra que trata da existência de um ser do qual é possível pensar nada maior , considerada uma simplificação do Monologion, seu escrito anterior. Ao ler Anselmo, observa-se explicitamente sua intenção de tratar da fé e da razão, pois, valendo-se de um argumento racional, buscou explicar aquilo que previamente já cria. Há algumas pesquisas sobre Anselmo e seu argumento, contudo, observou-se que seus pressupostos filosóficos são comumente ressaltados, sem, contudo, explorar as questões teológicas. Partindo dessa constatação, esta pesquisa objetivou demonstrar que o autor medieval expõe algumas ideias teológicas que estão presentes no Proslogion, e sob essa perspectiva deu-se a pesquisa, explicitando suas questões teológicas em sua obra específica, sob comentários da teologia dogmática protestante contemporânea. Além disso, refletir sobre o seu ambiente medieval, no que diz respeito à cultura, sociedade, contexto eclesiástico, pressupostos teológicos e filosóficos, enfim, entre outras questões, ajudam a compreender melhor o pensamento anselmiano.

Ce mémoire a pour but de comparer l’état du clergé anglo-saxon de la période de la Regularis Concordia du Xe siècle, avec celui du clergé anglo-normand d’après conquête situé entre 1060 et 1150. La base de cette recherche se fera à partir des sources narratives les plus pertinentes pour cette période. Mais celles-ci ne seront utilisées qu’en support puisque l’essentiel de ce mémoire sera basé sur le dépouillement des listes d’archevêques, d’évêques et d’abbés ayant vécu entre 1060 à 1150. Nous détaillerons leurs origines géographiques, les charges qu’ils ont occupées durant leur vie de même que leurs réseaux sociaux. Nous tenterons de démontrer que contrairement à l’idée reçue, il n’y eut pas de véritable réforme du clergé anglo-normand suite à la conquête, mais davantage une mise à jour de ce dernier, et qu’en fait, le modèle de gouvernance qui fut imposé au clergé anglo-normand au tournant du XIIe siècle fut largement inspiré du fonctionnement de l’Église normande. / This thesis aims at comparing the state of the Anglo-Saxon clergy from the Regularis Concordia period of the 10th century with the state of the Anglo-Norman clergy of the post- conquest era from 1060 to 1150. This research will be based on the most relevant narrative sources available for this period. However, they will be used only as support since the main part of the thesis will be based on various listings of archbishops, bishops and abbots, who have lived between 1060 and 1150. We will study in details their geographic origins, the positions they held as well as their social networks. We will try to demonstrate that contrary to preconceived ideas, a true reform of the Anglo-Norman clergy did not occur following the conquest. The Anglo-Norman clergy was simply updated. Also, the governance model, which was imposed to the Anglo-Norman clergy at the turn of the 12th century, was largely inspired by the functioning of the Norman Church.

As perennial Christian ideals, virginity and chastity were frequent themes in medieval religious discourse. Male religious were frequently virgins and were expected to cultivate chastity; however, women not men were usually the focus of such discussions. But some monastic writers did draw on those models when considering their own spirituality, and it is worth knowing how they were understood and enlisted in those instances. To this end, I investigate five eleventh- and twelfth-century monks who wrote about monastic virginity or chastity: Anselm of Canterbury, Guibert of Nogent, Rupert of Deutz, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Ælred of Rievaulx. In my analysis, I uncover each author’s perception of virginity/chastity. Thus, I reveal that Anselm’s Deploratio is not about lost physical virginity or even sexual sin per se; it is a spiritual meditation driven by his immense fear that sinners would be forever damned. Guibert’s work exposes what a treatise on virginity could become in the hands of an adolescent struggling with sexual desire and steeped in lessons taught by his monastery. Rupert’s tract on virginity and masturbation portrays male virginity as tangible and potent. In so doing, it erects a barrier defending Rupert’s work as an exegete against detractors. For his part, Bernard teaches that what matters most is chaste humility. He also consistently links virginity with pride and false holiness, a strategy possibly linked with a battle between white and black monks. Finally, Ælred produces a model of monastic perfection that is terrifically masculine, distinctively different from virginity, and perfectly suited for his audience. In addition to uncovering each monk’s unique perception of virginity and chastity, I call attention to similarities and differences in their thought and make conclusions based on those observations. Overall, I have found not only that virginity and chastity did matter to some medieval religious men but also that the way they handle those ideals can be tremendously revealing.

As perennial Christian ideals, virginity and chastity were frequent themes in medieval religious discourse. Male religious were frequently virgins and were expected to cultivate chastity; however, women not men were usually the focus of such discussions. But some monastic writers did draw on those models when considering their own spirituality, and it is worth knowing how they were understood and enlisted in those instances. To this end, I investigate five eleventh- and twelfth-century monks who wrote about monastic virginity or chastity: Anselm of Canterbury, Guibert of Nogent, Rupert of Deutz, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Ælred of Rievaulx. In my analysis, I uncover each author’s perception of virginity/chastity. Thus, I reveal that Anselm’s Deploratio is not about lost physical virginity or even sexual sin per se; it is a spiritual meditation driven by his immense fear that sinners would be forever damned. Guibert’s work exposes what a treatise on virginity could become in the hands of an adolescent struggling with sexual desire and steeped in lessons taught by his monastery. Rupert’s tract on virginity and masturbation portrays male virginity as tangible and potent. In so doing, it erects a barrier defending Rupert’s work as an exegete against detractors. For his part, Bernard teaches that what matters most is chaste humility. He also consistently links virginity with pride and false holiness, a strategy possibly linked with a battle between white and black monks. Finally, Ælred produces a model of monastic perfection that is terrifically masculine, distinctively different from virginity, and perfectly suited for his audience. In addition to uncovering each monk’s unique perception of virginity and chastity, I call attention to similarities and differences in their thought and make conclusions based on those observations. Overall, I have found not only that virginity and chastity did matter to some medieval religious men but also that the way they handle those ideals can be tremendously revealing.

Contro l’argomento anselmiano del Proslogion sono state sollevate varie obiezioni, come quelle, molto note, di Gaunilone, di san Tommaso e di Kant. In questo saggio si sostiene la tesi che tutte queste critiche si basano fondamentalmente su una interpretazione imprecisa del testo di Anselmo che, se correttamente letto, ne risulta invece al riparo. Viene quindi offerta una nuova lettura dell’unum argumentum, con la quale, ricercandone lo spirito originario e più autentico, viene messa in risalto innanzitutto la sua struttura formale di dimostrazione per assurdo, illustrando in secondo luogo l’importante rapporto di complementarità che lega questa tipologia di prova a quelle strutturate in modo diverso, che procedono cioè a posteriori per costruzione diretta. / Many important Authors – as Gaunilo, Thomas Aquinas and Kant – have brought many well-known objections against the anselmian argument. This paper proposes the thesis that all these objections are based on an inaccurate interpretation of the Proslogion: in fact, an in-depth analysis of the text shows its fully validity. Therefore, it is offered a new reading of the anselmian argument, that looks for its original and authentic sense: firstly, it is enlightened its formal structure of proof by contradiction, and secondly it is showed its important complementary relationship with the other kind of a posteriori proofs.