The Westminster Confession of Faith (WCF), drawn up in London in the 1640s, has been one of the most influential confessions in the history of Reformed theology. It has occupied a very significant place in the life of a great many Protestant churches since the seventeenth century, and continues to serve as a chief subordinate standard in several major denominations today. In the opening chapter of the Confession, the divines of Westminster included a clause which implied that there would no longer be any supernatural revelation from God for showing humankind the way of salvation. Means by which God had once communicated the divine will concerning salvation, such as dreams, visions, and the miraculous gifts of the Spirit, were said to be no longer applicable. However, many of the authors of the WCF accepted that "prophecy" continued in their time, and a number of them apparently believed that disclosure of God�s will through dreams, visions, and angelic communication remained possible. How is the "cessationist" clause of WCF 1:1 to be read in the light of these facts? Was it intended as a strict denial of the possibility that any supernatural revelation for the purposes of salvation could take place after the apostolic period, or did its authors, as some modern scholars have argued, allow for a more flexible view, in which such divine revelation through extraordinary means might still take place? This thesis explores these questions in the light of the modern debates over the interpretation of the Confession�s language and its implications for the church today. It considers the difference between "mediate" and "immediate" revelation as understood by the Westminster divines, and attempts to show that only "immediate" revelation was considered to have ceased, while "mediate" revelation, which always involved Scripture, was held to continue. A detailed analysis of the writings of the Westminster divines reveals that these churchmen possessed both a strong desire to maintain the unity of Word and Spirit and a concern to safeguard the freedom of the Holy Spirit to speak to particular circumstances through the language and principles of Scripture. God still enabled predictive prophecy and spoke to individuals in extraordinary ways, but contemporary prophecy was held to be something distinct from the prophecy of New Testament figures. In the minds of both the Scottish Presbyterians and English Puritans, prophecy was considered to be an application of Scripture for a specific situation, not an announcement of new information not contained within the Bible. The Scriptures always remained essential for the process of discerning God�s will. The Introduction to the thesis considers the debate over WCF 1:1 in its modern setting. Chapter One outlines the socio-political and theological context of the Westminster Assembly, and discusses the question of how to assess the respective contributions of the divines to the documents it produced. Chapter Two investigates the Westminster view of the necessity and scope of special revelation, and discusses the nature of the "salvation" which was conveyed by this means. Chapter Three surveys the exegetical traditions underpinning the teaching that former modalities of supernatural revelation had ceased. Chapter Four seeks to respond to modern claims that Puritan theology allowed for a "continuationist" position, by canvassing evidence both from seventeenth-century Reformed thinkers themselves and from their critics, who maintained that Westminster orthodoxy was indeed cessationist in style. Chapters Five and Six explore the claims to and explanations for "prophecy" in Reformed theology in both England and Scotland in the seventeenth century. Chapter Seven examines the question of the theological status of the Westminster Confession in its own time. To what extent were subscription requirements envisaged by the Assembly and the governments of the day, and what form did these requirements take? The thesis concludes that the Westminster divines intended the cessationist clause to affirm that there was to be no more extra-biblical, "immediate" revelation for any purpose now that the church possessed the completed Scriptures. The written Word of God was fully capable of showing the way of "salvation" in its wider scope as either temporal or eternal deliverance. At the same time the divines did not intend to deny that God could still speak through special providences that might involve dreams or the ministry of angels, for example, but such revelation was always to be considered "mediate". The primary means was held to be the written Scriptures, illuminated by the Holy Spirit. The unity of the Word and Spirit was maintained, and God�s freedom to address individual circumstances remained intact.

In this essay I look at the significance of Inigo Jones's annotated copy of Andrea Palladio's I quattro libri dell'architettura in a time of momentous change in the habits of readers and writers, printers and publishers, architects and kings. Jones lived in Stuart England, a hinge period swinging between print culture and manuscript culture, science (mechanical philosophy) and magic (Neoplatonism, hermeticism, alchemy), humoural physiology and modern medicine. I examine his book as part of a change of social setting, looking outward from his study of Palladian architectural theory to developments in publishing and authorship, perspective and theatre design, graphic representation and anatomy, medicine and the history of the human body.

The tumultuous events that erupted in Scotland and England c.1637 – 1650 sparked tremendous interest in John Cotton. As a result he turned to two Biblical books, Canticles and Revelation, to determine whether those events that transpired across the Atlantic Ocean were of apocalyptic significance. Cotton’s exegetical findings concluded that prophetic fulfilment was indeed unfolding and more importantly that the glorious millennium foretold in Scripture was imminent. As the leading polemicist of New England’s Congregational way, Cotton infused his defence of this controversial church polity with apocalyptic importance. However, he did not make the case for the exclusive role of the colonies in the grand scheme of eschatological reformation but New England’s support for reform in his native country, England. This dissertation continues the revision of scholarship that moulded Perry Miller’s Errand into the Wilderness thesis into an exclusive selfconsciousness of divine intentions for the New England colonies by arguing for England’s prominence in Cotton’s eschatological vision. In the process, Cotton’s ecclesiology will be presented in an eschatological context. Moreover, this thesis demonstrates that Cotton understood New England’s experiment with non-separating congregational ecclesiology as contributing to English reformation. Chapter One examines the only pre-migration source that concentrated on prophetic themes, Cotton’s sermons on Canticles, which were preached sometime during the 1620s. Cotton presented an optimistic outlook on the church’s future based on the recognition of a godly remnant he believed existed in his own parish of St. Botolph’s as well as others scattered throughout England. Cotton recognized that a lingering presence of popery threatened England’s covenantal standing with God and that the faithful remnant upheld the nation’s covenantal commitment to Biblical purity and obedience. Chapter Two re-examines the events surrounding Cotton’s expulsion from England. A careful assessment demonstrates that Cotton’s only desire was to remain in England at any cost, particularly in fear of being cast a separatist. However, Cotton became convinced of the legitimacy of exile to New England through the belief that from America Cotton could continue in active service to the English church. Though Cotton did not reject England’s role in apocalyptic fulfilment, Cotton came to see Congregationalism as the primary agency through which Antichrist would be defeated and the millennial church ushered into history. This is clearly seen when Cotton returned to preach from Canticles a second time in the 1640s with the added accent on soteriology and piety. Chapter Three argues that Cotton used Scotland’s resistance against Charles I and prelacy to exhort England towards adopting Congregationalism. Cotton praised the Scottish Covenanters for their resistance against prelacy, which Cotton identified as the image of the beast from Revelation, in the Bishops’ Wars and the National Covenant. Through those events, Cotton demonstrated that God’s apocalyptic strategy for the Antichrist’s demise had resumed. However, Cotton also took the opportunity to demonstrate that the Kirk’s Presbyterianism resembled prelacy’s hierarchical and national structure and exhorted England to adopt New England’s Congregationalism. Chapter Four demonstrates that Cotton was overwhelmed with optimism in the early 1650s based upon the signs of apocalyptic providences in the purging of Parliament, Charles I’s execution and England’s victory over Scotland at Dunbar in September 1650. To Cotton, Cromwell’s victory at Dunbar was the indisputable sign that divine providence stood in favour of Congregationalism over Presbyterianism and that God’s presence endured with England.

The Westminster Confession of Faith (WCF), drawn up in London in the 1640s, has been one of the most influential confessions in the history of Reformed theology. It has occupied a very significant place in the life of a great many Protestant churches since the seventeenth century, and continues to serve as a chief subordinate standard in several major denominations today. In the opening chapter of the Confession, the divines of Westminster included a clause which implied that there would no longer be any supernatural revelation from God for showing humankind the way of salvation. Means by which God had once communicated the divine will concerning salvation, such as dreams, visions, and the miraculous gifts of the Spirit, were said to be no longer applicable. However, many of the authors of the WCF accepted that "prophecy" continued in their time, and a number of them apparently believed that disclosure of God�s will through dreams, visions, and angelic communication remained possible. How is the "cessationist" clause of WCF 1:1 to be read in the light of these facts? Was it intended as a strict denial of the possibility that any supernatural revelation for the purposes of salvation could take place after the apostolic period, or did its authors, as some modern scholars have argued, allow for a more flexible view, in which such divine revelation through extraordinary means might still take place? This thesis explores these questions in the light of the modern debates over the interpretation of the Confession�s language and its implications for the church today. It considers the difference between "mediate" and "immediate" revelation as understood by the Westminster divines, and attempts to show that only "immediate" revelation was considered to have ceased, while "mediate" revelation, which always involved Scripture, was held to continue. A detailed analysis of the writings of the Westminster divines reveals that these churchmen possessed both a strong desire to maintain the unity of Word and Spirit and a concern to safeguard the freedom of the Holy Spirit to speak to particular circumstances through the language and principles of Scripture. God still enabled predictive prophecy and spoke to individuals in extraordinary ways, but contemporary prophecy was held to be something distinct from the prophecy of New Testament figures. In the minds of both the Scottish Presbyterians and English Puritans, prophecy was considered to be an application of Scripture for a specific situation, not an announcement of new information not contained within the Bible. The Scriptures always remained essential for the process of discerning God�s will. The Introduction to the thesis considers the debate over WCF 1:1 in its modern setting. Chapter One outlines the socio-political and theological context of the Westminster Assembly, and discusses the question of how to assess the respective contributions of the divines to the documents it produced. Chapter Two investigates the Westminster view of the necessity and scope of special revelation, and discusses the nature of the "salvation" which was conveyed by this means. Chapter Three surveys the exegetical traditions underpinning the teaching that former modalities of supernatural revelation had ceased. Chapter Four seeks to respond to modern claims that Puritan theology allowed for a "continuationist" position, by canvassing evidence both from seventeenth-century Reformed thinkers themselves and from their critics, who maintained that Westminster orthodoxy was indeed cessationist in style. Chapters Five and Six explore the claims to and explanations for "prophecy" in Reformed theology in both England and Scotland in the seventeenth century. Chapter Seven examines the question of the theological status of the Westminster Confession in its own time. To what extent were subscription requirements envisaged by the Assembly and the governments of the day, and what form did these requirements take? The thesis concludes that the Westminster divines intended the cessationist clause to affirm that there was to be no more extra-biblical, "immediate" revelation for any purpose now that the church possessed the completed Scriptures. The written Word of God was fully capable of showing the way of "salvation" in its wider scope as either temporal or eternal deliverance. At the same time the divines did not intend to deny that God could still speak through special providences that might involve dreams or the ministry of angels, for example, but such revelation was always to be considered "mediate". The primary means was held to be the written Scriptures, illuminated by the Holy Spirit. The unity of the Word and Spirit was maintained, and God�s freedom to address individual circumstances remained intact.

Orientador : Luciano Migliaccio / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T02:51:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sousa_DalilaDoring_M.pdf: 28828752 bytes, checksum: 330c8eec895eb1d20d21617f7da6b153 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002 / Resumo: Esta dissertação compreende um estudo sobre o significado artístico da representação dos pobres nas pinturas religiosas caravaggescas napolitanas a partir da "Adoração dos pastores" no MASP, atribuída a Bartolomeo Passante levando em consideração a sociedade, a religião e as teorias artísticas pautadas pelas prescrições iconográficas da Contra-Reforma. Caravaggio foi um pintor revolucionário na proposição de uma "epopéia plebéia" através de suas obras consideradas paradigmáticas no ambiente artístico napolitano, fato que deu origem a um círculo de pintores oriundos do atelier de Ribera e voltados para esta poética mediante a interpretação que o pintor espanhol fez do caravaggismo resultando em repertórios de obras indicativas da representação de tipologias da pobreza enquanto um fenômeno estético / Abstract: This dissertation is concemed to the study on the artistic meaning of the poor people representation in neapolitans caravaggesche religious paintings from the "Adoration of the shepherds" in the MASP museum, atributed to Bartolomeo Passante considering the society, the religion and the Counter Reformation artistic theories due to the iconograpbic prescriptions. Caravaggio was a revolutionary painter on the proposition of a "plebean epopee" througb bis works considered paradigmatic on the neapolitan artistic surrounding, what engendred a painters circle origined on the workshop of Ribera and turned to this poetic through the interpretation that the spanish painter made of the caravaggism resulting on repertories of works indicating the representation of the poverty tipologies as a aestetic phenomena / Mestrado / Mestre em História

La contemplación es un tema central en la filosofía desde sus orígenes. El objetivo central de la presente tesis es determinar cuál es sentido del concepto de contemplación en la mística de Antonio Ruiz de Montoya. Existen tres diferentes niveles del concepto de contemplación que son la contemplación activa, la contemplación pasiva y la contemplación activa-pasiva. El primero de esos niveles de contemplación se relaciona con los tratados de oración; el segundo de esos niveles se relaciona con los tratados de mística; mientras que el tercero -que es la novedad del Sílex Antonio Ruiz de Montoya- es lo propio de los jesuitas. Esto tercer nivel es la superación, en sentido hegeliano, de los dos anteriores, debido a su carácter práctico-teórico, en ese orden, pues los jesuitas consideran que la contemplación se origina en la actividad misional, a partir de allí esta persona puede llegar a contemplar lo divino. En este sentido, la contemplación es para todos sin distinción. De esta manera para Ruiz de Montoya en el Sílex, la contemplación es una sincera vista de Dios y de las cosas divinas. Esta obra de Ruiz de Montoya sería una obra propiamente jesuita, ni sería una obra propiamente de oración, ni una obra propiamente mística, sino ambas a la vez. El Sílex expresa una síntesis de ambos tipos de tratados clásicos. / Tesis

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L’intégration de la Catalogne dans la monarchie française en 1641, ouvre une période de coexistence de deux univers politiques différents. Pour la France, l’incorporation de cette nouvelle province intervient dans une société marquée par une culture de l’héroïsme. Le règne de Louis XIII coïncide avec son âge d’or, puisqu’il sert de fondement au pouvoir royal et de référence pour l’ethos nobiliaire. La guerre qui s’ensuit, porte la culture de l’héroïsme à son paroxysme. La proclamation du roi comme souverain de Catalogne ouvre de nouveaux horizons à cet imaginaire politique revitalisant un messianisme qui substitue un prince français au souverain espagnol. Le récit de l’entreprise catalane produit par l’entourage royal offre une nouvelle perspective à la construction de l’image de Louis XIII. L’horizon catalan «achève» la fabrication de son profil héroïque et lui sert d’apothéose, valorisant à posteriori la mort «sacrificielle» du roi conséquence de sa présence au siège de Perpignan. Les vice-rois se retrouvent également au centre d’un discours héroïque, protagonistes d’une véritable épopée catalane. Les lumières et les zones d’ombres de ces expériences de l’héroïsme apparaissent dans le devenir, parfois tragique, de ces représentants du roi. Outre les défis militaires et politiques relevant de leur charge, ils doivent faire face aux équilibres de pouvoir relevant de la cour. Côté catalan, l’avènement de Louis XIII s’inscrit dans la dynamique «révolutionnaire» entamée en 1640. Le meneurs de la révolte, qui protestent néanmoins de leur fidélité à Philippe IV, formulent un récit capable de donner une cohérence aux tumultes et à l’instabilité permanente de la situation. L’horizon d’une «restauration» providentielle de Catalogne apparaît alors. L’issue républicaine semble ici introuvable entre l’interruption formelle de la juridiction de Philippe IV et l’acclamation de Louis XIII. Dès lors un discours providentielle de restauration de la Principauté se développe à travers une royauté messianique incarnée par un nouveau prince. L’image du roi devient un idéal sur lequel les dirigeants catalans projettent leurs attentes politiques et se justifient. La visite à Barcelone, annulée in extremis, précède de peu sa mort. Les funérailles royales servent alors à magnifier ce récit, et offrent par l’image du roi «sacrifié» et à canoniser, un emblème pour la Catalogne française. / The integration of Catalonia into the French Monarchy in 1641 opens a period of coexistence of two political universes. In France, the incorporation of the new province arrives in a social context under the influence of a strong culture of heroism. Under Louis XIII’s reign culminates a process of reformulation of the heroic paradigm: a political model of government and an ethical referent for the French nobility. The heroic culture is taken to its paroxysm when the Spanish war begins. The proclamation of the king as sovereign of Catalonia opens new horizons for this imagery, mobilizing also old messianic referents. The narrative of the Catalan enterprise developed by the royal entourage offers a new perspective of Louis XIII’s image making process. This Catalan enterprise completes the build of the king’s heroic profile, and serves to make his apotheosis, emphasizing the fact of a sacrificial death as a consequence of the royal presence in the Perpignan’s siege.The viceroys become the center of a heroic narrative also. They are protagonists of a true «Catalan epic». The light and darkness of this heroic experience of politics appear through the destiny, sometimes tragic, of these king’s agents (and images). They have to face, besides the military and political challenges, the power struggles in court. On the Catalan side, the accession of king Louis XIII has to be considered in the «revolutionary» context of 1640. The leaders of the revolt, who claim to be loyal to their king, Philip IV, build a narrative able to tame serious adverse events that sometimes escape their control. The horizon of a providential «restoration» of Catalonia appears in this narrative. Republican time seems here «unfound», between the broken of one king’s jurisdiction and the other king proclamation. Since then a providential propaganda speech about the restoration of the Principality through a Messianic Royalty incarnated by the new prince. The new king’s figure becomes one idealized image where Catalans look to project their political expectations, as well as a way for the Catalan leaders to justify themselves. The failed royal visit to Barcelona shortly precedes the king’s death. The royal funerals serve to the crystallization of these narratives: they offer the image of a «sacrificed» king, who is also a saint. He becomes the real emblem of the Franco-Catalan regime.

Ce travail de recherche porte principalement sur l'analyse d'un corpus d'œuvres d'Artemisia Gentileschi et d'Elisabetta Sirani autour de la thématique des « femmes violentes ». Ces deux artistes italiennes ayant pratiqué la peinture au XVIIe siècle comptent parmi les premières femmes à s'être illustrées dans la représentation de sujets issus de l'histoire biblique et parfois même antique, un genre artistique dominé par leurs collègues masculins. En effet, les récits qu'elles interprètent sont parfois issus de la Bible, comme ceux de Judith ou Yaël, ou encore de l'histoire antique, dans les cas de Timoclée, Lucrèce ou Portia. Or, le thème de la violence au féminin s'avère fortement marqué par une tradition iconographique reflétant les angoisses et préoccupations masculines de l'époque, notamment par une emphase sur le potentiel érotique de ces récits. Ainsi, même les personnages autrefois associés à la chasteté se transforment avec l'ère baroque en véritables guerrières sexuelles. L'étude des œuvres de Gentileschi et de Sirani révèle des écarts iconographiques face à cette tradition, traduisant une prise de position des artistes sur leur sujet. Proposant une vision de la féminité active et parfois même féroce, leur interprétation de ces femmes « violentes » questionne la tradition picturale et ses préjugés sur les femmes. La notion « d'agentivité », prenant sa source dans les écrits de Judith Butler, nous permet alors de mettre en évidence la possibilité d'une resignification de la féminité grâce au travail de ces femmes peintres. À la lumière des approches féministes développées par des historiennes contemporaines comme Griselda Pollock, l'étude des œuvres de ces artistes nous permet d'enrichir notre compréhension de la création au féminin. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Artemisia Gentileschi, Elisabetta Sirani, histoire des femmes, femmes artistes, violence, peinture biblique, peinture baroque, XVIIe siècle, agentivité, Judith, Yaël, Timoclée, Lucrèce, Portia.

Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Köln--Universität zu Köln, 1994. / Bibliogr. p. 227-266.