This study investigates the supply, distribution and use of haberdashery wares in England in the late sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, with especial reference to the paired counties of Cumbria and Lancashire, Warwickshire and Leicestershire, Hampshire and West Sussex. A brief comparison is also made with London. Through examination of documentary evidence and extant examples, it aims to set the provision and use of haberdashery for dress into the context of the Early Modern period, and challenges widely held assumptions concerning the availability of wares through the country. The purpose of the argument is firstly to demonstrate that haberdashery, being both a necessity and a luxury, was an important, and historically traceable, part of traded goods in the early modern period, and secondly, with particular reference to the response of retailers to changing needs and demands, to show that the widescale availability of haberdashery for use in dress made it significant in the expression of personal identity and appearance for individuals of all social strata, while its manufacture and distribution provided employment for considerable numbers of people.

Few historians would question the importance of national literature to the understanding of national history. Less frequently, especially in Scottish history, is equal attention given to the print medium. Publishing and the book trade represent a complex cocktail of conscience and commerce, of ideology and industry, and one of the tensions within the study of publishing, especially in the turmoil of the early modern period, is the assessment of motive underpinning the act of publication. Two objectives are sought in this research of the book trade of Scotland c1500 to c1720. The degree, scale, structure and financial basis of the book trade are considered. In particular, data obtained from a large number of existing and new references to individual booksellers and printers has been accumulated in order to establish the extent, development, and general pattern of commerce. Secondly, the interaction of public policy and the book trade is explored with separate chapters on the policy of the burghs, the church and the government. As part of government control close scrutiny is given to the law of publishing with chapters devoted to copyright and censorship, two themes for which adequate Scottish study is long overdue. In addition, a bridging chapter is included dealing with trade links between Scotland and the Low Countries, and this reflects vividly the conflicting demands of permission and prohibition for book merchants and book regulators. The research comes to two apparently contrasting conclusions. The book trade of early modern Scotland was in many respects similar to those of other European nations at this time, especially England and the Low Countries. The desire for profit and intellectual improvement, but also adequate controls, were common to all literate societies. Equally, although the beaches of Scottish print culture were battered by the influences of Dutch and English commercial, legal and administrative conventions, Scotland developed its own unique relationship to the printed word - a Scottish tradition.

Bibliography: leaves 288-307 / viii, 307 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 1992

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Mannheim, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. xxiv-xliii).

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Les enjeux de ce travail sont multiples et s’inscrivent dans le renouvellement de la recherche sur la peinture hollandaise. S’il est courant d’opposer un peu rapidement la Flandre catholique d’une part, associée à une production importante de peinture religieuse, et la Hollande calviniste de l’autre, cantonnée à la peinture de genre, on sait à quel point la situation historique et sociale des Pays-Bas était plus complexe. L’existence de milieux catholiques dans les provinces protestantes a entraîné la production non négligeable de peinture : tableaux religieux pour les églises ou pour la dévotion privée ; portraits de clercs ou de laïcs affichant leur confession ; peintures représentant des allégories de la foi catholique. C’est à l’étude de l’ensemble de cette production que je me suis consacrée, en tentant de cerner les besoins et usages des milieux catholiques, ainsi que les réponses des peintres. Je me suis en particulier efforcée de rendre compte le plus précisément possible de la diversité des situations rencontrées et de la difficulté à les faire entrer dans des schémas. Ainsi en est-il par exemple de la question des liens entre l’appartenance confessionnelle des artistes et celles des commanditaires comme des rapports entre sentiments religieux et production artistique ou encore de l’interprétation catholique d’une œuvre. Mon étude vise à enrichir la connaissance du regard des milieux catholiques sur la peinture à l’âge de la Contre-Réforme, par la mise en lumière d’une situation géographique et socio-politique très singulière, et à nuancer l’opposition traditionnelle entre les Pays-Bas du Sud et du Nord en matière d’œuvres d’art. / This research intends to be part of the Dutch art historiography’s renewal. The traditional opposition between North and South, Calvinism and Catholicism, History painting and Genre painting is no longer relevant. Although the Reformed church was the public church, the choice of personal religion permitted « sects », like Catholicism, Anabaptism, Lutheranism, to remain active. The presence of Catholics in the calvinist Dutch Republic during the 17th century maintains a demand for paintings : religious art works for churches or private devotion, portraits of the clergy or catholic lay, allegory of the catholic faith. I considered not only the expectations of Catholics in terms of painting, but also the responses of the painters whether they were Catholic or not. My aim is to extend the knowlegde of the production and reception of paintings during the age of the Counter-Reformation in an uncommon political and geographic situation.

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John Cameron highly influenced the development of theology at the Huguenot Academy of Saumur and left an impact on French Reformed thought that continued to the end of the Seventeenth Century. Cameron had modified orthodox Calvinism by softening some of its harsher features in order to answer its opponents more effectively. Claude Pajon was convinced that certain flaws had emerged in the way other disciples of Cameron were interpreting his theology which threatened to undermine Cameron's carefully balanced system. Cameron had introduced the concept that the will always follows the understanding and that man is converted according to his nature through persuasion and reasons without any coercion. Man was understood as possessing natural ability to choose the good; however because of his own voluntary choice, he remains in the grip of a moral inability. He also taught the controversial concept of "hypothetical universalism" or that God wills the conversion of all men and provides the Word for their redemption which is an adequate remedy for man's sinful condition. In the end, however, only those granted a particular grace are actually of the elect and converted. Pajon vigorously opposed those who argued that there is a need for an immediate act of grace distinct from the action of the Word before man's mind could be illuminated. To argue that grace is universal and that the Word is an adequate remedy for sin and still to insist on an immediate grace of this nature was considered by Pajon to rob the concept of universalism of any validity, and to undermine the entire Cameronian apologetic. Pajon's solution was to propose a method of conversion known as mediate grace or congruism. The Spirit brings about conversion entirely by the secondary means of the Word and its attending circumstances and causes all these influences to converge in such a way and at such a time that the subject is inevitably but voluntarily persuaded and converted. It is essential to the very nature of man to be able to receive the Word of truth which brings deliverance to the soul without immediate grace. Furthermore, man's sin is of a moral nature; nothing physical is involved in it in any way. Therefore, the logical prescription should be a moral remedy for a moral malady. Pajon understood that his concept of grace represented Cameron's own position and was the most coherent interpretation of Cameronianism.

The thesis consists of several parts discussing the issue of the supplying of aristocratic homes in the Baroque period. Everything was done on the example of the Schwarzenberg households between the years 1656 and 1683, during the reign of Jan Adolf I. of Schwarzenberg. The first part involves the organization of the servants in his household. The second part deals with looking at the residence of his wife Marie Justine from Schwarzenberg, born in Starhemberg, Prague, around 1658. On the basis of their personal accounts, the authors presented this reconstruction supplying her household in Prague and a wider analysis of potential internal view of the expenditures in the category of alms. The following chapter deals with food supplies for Jan Adolf I's wife's household at Trebon. The last part relates to the analysis of transport of food to Schwarzenberg households in Vienna in the third quarter of the 17th century, part of which is closer to the probe focused on local supply and consumption of alcohol.