Le journal Le Fantasque, créé en 1837 par Aimé-Nicolas, dit Napoléon Aubin, est un journal au ton humoristique qui a été fondé dans la ville de Québec à l'époque trouble des Rébellions. Avec l'homme-orchestre Aubin à sa barre, il est publié jusqu'en 1845. Notre étude a pour but d'analyser la composition complexe de ce « journal-fiction » à la lumière des jeux de modulation de l'ironie littéraire vis-à-vis de la censure. Articulée autour de la problématique du factuel et du fictionnel, notre thèse examine les mécanismes de rapprochement et d'éloignement des discours politiques et littéraires au sein même du discours journalistique. La première partie de la thèse fait d'abord l'état de la question sur les plans théorique et historique et traite des conditions d'émergence de la presse sur le continent européen au tout début du XVIIe siècle. Utilisée tout d'abord comme instrument de célébration de la monarchie, la presse s'avère bientôt un outil essentiel au développement du pluralisme politique. Cette dimension de la pensée qui jalonne le discours journalistique est examinée ensuite à partir des formes et fonctions du journal d'opinion. Le « journal littéraire » du XVIIIe siècle se caractérise par son métissage des discours politiques et littéraires, tout particulièrement le journal du genre « spectateur », ainsi que le journal satirique, deux formes qui influenceront grandement Napoléon Aubin. La spécificité de la presse périodique du Bas-Canada est analysée en deuxième partie de la thèse. Implantée dans un contexte où elle doit composer avec une liberté restreinte, la presse tend à camoufler ses intérêts partisans sous sa mission didactique. Comparée à son vis-à-vis européen, elle se caractérise par son métissage et présente une plus grande hétérogénéité. Au cours des années 1830, tout particulièrement, le discours journalistique recourt très souvent à des procédés de littérarisation et de théâtralisation du politique qui viennent paver la voie à l'univers satirique de Napoléon Aubin. La troisième et dernière partie de la thèse est consacrée à l'analyse détaillée du Fantasque. Elle est tout d'abord précédée de repères biographiques qui permettent de rendre compte de la trajectoire étonnante de son brillant rédacteur, Napoléon Aubin, tour à tour journaliste, artiste multidisciplinaire, professeur et inventeur. Nous analysons ensuite les formes mouvantes de son journal, son mode de composition et de mise en scène de l'énonciation, nous attardant plus spécifiquement, dans le dernier chapitre, au traitement des Rébellions. Le journal Le Fantasque présente un mélange de tradition et d'innovation; Aubin y construit un discours polyphonique en accord avec l'esprit du pluralisme. Élaboré autour de divers procédés littéraires qui miment les conditions d'exercices de la parole, le discours journalistique du Fantasque représente tout à la fois le processus de constitution d'une opinion publique au Bas-Canada et la vision fantasmée qu'en a le journaliste. En tant que support de représentation symbolique, la littérature de fiction au sein du journal constitue un instrument de médiation et de modulation du politique. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : XIXe siècle, Journal, Le Fantasque, Québec, Bas-Canada, Napoléon Aubin, Périodique, Gazette, Ironie, Idéologie, Parodie, Satire, Polémique, Politique, Pluralisme, Libéralisme, Utopie, Fiction, Censure, Genre « spectateur », Genre spectatorial.

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This thesis is an attempt to assess the importance of the satirical photo essay Deutschland, Deutschland uber alles in the life and literary development of the German author Kurt Tucholsky, and to help establish the significance of the work in the German literary canon. The work appeared in 1929, and marked a complete departure from his previous output in many respects. He experimented with the genre of photo essay and photomontage in collaboration with renowned montage artist and dedicated Communist John Heartfield, attempted to reach a new reading audience in the German working classes, and published the book in a radical publishing house with strong ties to the German Communist Party. / However, despite the successful combination of photograph, photomontage and text which allowed Tucholsky and Heartfield to produce many insightful and scathing criticisms of Weimar society, the book largely failed to deliver a relevant social or political criticism of the Weimar Republic. Tucholsky's criticisms were directed toward the ruling Social Democratic Party and other parties of the bourgeois political establishment, but he ignored or refused to see the far greater threat posed by the rising tide of National Socialism. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1979.

Doctors, academically educated and authorized, assert that there is more to being a real doctor than having fulfilled the formal criteria. It has been said that there is a particular doctor's ethos, which is based not only on thorough medical education but also on traditional know-how, internalized ethics and good character. This paper contains several studies of the efforts of Swedish physicians to define themselves as doctors, individually and collectively, during the period 1890-1960 and to identify the ethos of their profession. The empirical material consists mainly of texts written by doctors for doctors on different social and political questions pertaining to the profession's interests. Studying the identities, interests and ideals that have been expressed by Swedish doctors in society and on the professional and individual level made it possible to distinguish and describe different aspects of their particular ethos. The starting point for these studies was the discussions during the inter-war period – held above all in Germany but also in Sweden – about the crisis of medicine and of the medical profession (chapter 1). Developments in legislation concerning the authorization of doctors show the ambiguity of the Swedish doctor's legal identity (chapter 2). The Swedish medical profession's efforts to hold on to the concept of internalized ethics meant that formal ethical rules were not accepted until 1951 (chapter 3). A study of medical obituaries revealed that the ideal doctor was seen as a man and a good colleague with his ethics rooted in antiquity (chapter 4). The heterogeneous medical profession has not been able to reach a consensus as to a common identity or common interests and ideals. The efforts of leading men amongst Swedish doctors gain charismatic, traditional and legal legitimacy for the profession have been opposed. After 1960, however, doctor's legitimacy in the scientific field has gained ground (chapter 5). Debate concerning the ethos of the doctors served as a strategy to unite the profession and to draw boundaries against those considered to be unqualified actors in the field of the healing arts. This, in itself, is part of this ethos.

L'historiographie du Burundi est le fruit d'une confrontation entre deux cultures, celle de l'oral et celle de l'écrit. D'un côté, les Burundais ont développé un mode de connaissance du passé centré autour de traditions et de légendes mettant en scène la royauté et la société. De l'autre, les Européens, missionnaires et colonisateurs, se sont inspirés de ce matériau local pour écrire une histoire du Burundi, au service de leurs projets et largement imprégnée d'idéologies raciales. L'institutionnalisation de l'ethnie avec la colonisation et les discriminations qui en découlent ont remis en question l'équilibre de la communauté nationale, au point que le pays souffre depuis son indépendance de violences extrêmes et endémiques. L'immense entreprise méthodologique initiée par les scientifiques à partir des années 1960 a ouvert la voie à une connaissance renouvelée du passé du Burundi. Pour autant, les théories raciales construites dans le sillage de la colonisation font partie du discours général sur ce pays, et alimentent les postures partisanes des hommes de pouvoir et d'une partie de la population. Le passé est ainsi appelé pour justifier les massacres et absoudre les vengeances. L'ethnie est devenue un prétexte et un outil de captation du pouvoir. Dans ce contexte, les mémoires s'affrontent et s'enferment, hésitent entre revendication et résignation. L 'écriture de l'histoire est pourtant l'occasion de débats et de questionnements qui s'appuient sur les mémoires pour consigner le passé tel qu'il est. L'enjeu des historiens du Burundi est désormais de parvenir à conjuguer les exigences scientifiques qu'impose leur métier avec le sondage de mémoires multiples.

The Pentagon career of Charles E. Wilson, President Dwight D. Eisenhower's Secretary of Defense from 1953-1957, is a neglected, yet important, field of study for studentsof the Eisenhower Presidency. Therefore, a study of Wilson's controversial tenure as Secretary of Defense is necessary for at least three reasons. First, Wilson served as Secretary of Defense for four and a half years, more than twice as long as any of his predecessors. Only Robert McNamara, who administered the Defense Department from 1961-1967, served longer than Wilson as the chief Pentagon official. Furthermore, Wilson became the Defense Department's civilian leader at a time when the agency was in its infancy.. His longevity as Secretary of Defense enabled him to make a significant impact upon the government's largest operation.Second, Wilson left a considerable store of personal papers, which are conveniently arranged at Anderson College in Anderson, Indiana. A serious examination of those materials gives one an additional measure of insight into the workings and concern of the Eisenhower Administration.Third, Wilson deserves study because he was a major figure in an important Administration. He has, however, been overlooked by virtually every chronicler of the Eisenhower Presidency. The prevailing view of Wilson maintains that he was an able administrator in the automobile industry, but woefully miscast as a political figure. That interpretation may not be totally wrong, but it is incomplete.More significantly, a study of Wilson enables the historian to challenge two views of the orthodox interpretation of the Eisenhower years. The first view maintains that the figures in the Eisenhower Cabinet were dull, unimaginative representatives of the business community. Indeed, one writer characterized the President and his advisers as "the bland leading the bland." That statement is misleading, at least in reference to Wilson.Charles E. Wilson was a wealthy industrialist, but he was hardly bland. He was many things; robust, blunt, energetic, sometimes simplistic, sometimes politically unskillful, but never bland. Furthermore, he possessed a down-to-earth intelligence which enabled him to direct the government's largest agency for almost a half-decade.A second view of the orthodox interpretation contends that the Eisenhower years were largely devoid of partisanship and a sense of political purpose. That, too, is misleading, especially regarding the issue of national defense. An examination of the debates over defense policy during those years reveals a high degree of partisanship with Wilson Persistently defending the Administration programs while the political opposition consistently sought to alter them. Furthermore, Wilson and his Democratic critics in the Senate were hardy rivals, with influential Democrats calling for Wilson's resignation at regular intervals. Wilson's encounters with Richard Russell, Lyndon B. Johnson, Stuart Symington and others may have lacked the drama of Harry Truman's lambasting of the "do-nothing, good-for-nothing" 80th congress during the 1948 presidential campaign. Yet the encounter between Wilson and his Senate critics were genuinely partisan and both Administration and Congress fought tooth-and-nail for political victory.I should like to state the purpose of this study. It is not an attempt at a biography of Wilson or even a summary of his career at the Pentagon. Instead, I have tried to examine the theme of conflict between Wilson and his Senate critics. The emphasis, and hopefully not the bias, is on Wilson's role as the Secretary of Defense in advocating his policies before skeptical groups of Senators. Hopefully, the study will succeed in a larger objective of shedding additional light on the inner workings of the Eisenhower Administration.