None. / Arts, Faculty of / Music, School of / Additional material: 1 video cassette (Koerner Library). / Graduate

None. / Arts, Faculty of / Music, School of / Additional material: 1 video (Koerner Library). / Graduate

No description available.

In this thesis I have attempted to give some indication of the divergence of the theory underlying the Soviet Constitution from the principles of classical Marxism. The scope of this subject is such that each facet with which I have dealt merits further extensive study and analysis, although I would humbly submit that such further consideration would serve only to verify, substantially. the main conclusions which I have reached. The subject of the thesis is dynamic. The period with which I have dealt is too recent and too momentous to permit complete objectivity to be achieved, and I can only express the hope that my dislike of the arbitrary use of power has been tempered by my enthusiasm for economic, social and political experiment based on profound humanitarian motives. The bibliography omits my most important acknowledge, and I therefore take this opportunity of thanking Mr. D. Novak for his invaluable advice and assistance. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

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This study is a prosopographical analysis of the Russian Committee of Ministers during the entire period of its existence, 1802 to 1905. Because the Committee was comprised of the highest officials within the Russian bureaucracy, its membership constituted a precisely defined elite group. Examination of the social and career backgrounds of the Committee's members allows for quantitatively grounded descriptions of the administrative elite, of the Russian Empire and the changes it underwent through the course of the nineteenth century. On the whole, the members of the Committee of Ministers are found to have been largely of Russian nationality, while Germans composed a sizable minority. The social class which dominated the Committee was the nobility, with few ministers not of noble or royal birth. Relative to the general population, the ministers also formed an educational elite, a majority of whom were schooled in an institution of higher learning. As a group the ministers had no other occupational activity than service to the Russian state, with ninety per cent of the ministers having entered state service immediately upon finishing their education. In their official careers the ministers spent over three decades in service before attaining membership on the Committee of Ministers, and most of them served in the military as well as the civil area of Russian government. While most of the ministers held only one position on the Committee of Ministers, a large minority held more than two, either simultaneously or consecutively; and the overall average for tenure in membership in one position was six years. While these features were determined for the entire membership of the Committee of Ministers, pictures of the Committee as constituted under each of the five tsars of the nineteenth century differed from each other, with Nicholas I's ministers most resembling the portrait drawn above. Through the course of four reigns, the base of the Committee's social composition widened somewhat to include groups of more diverse backgrounds, and the career pattern of simultaneous military and civil service shifted towards one of solely bureaucratic service in the civil administration. The importance of higher education as a qualification for elite status worked to moderate the influence of inherited social position, and the groups who most benefitted from this tendency were ministers of foreign, non-noble, and German birth, whose generally high level of educational attainment was suited to the needs of the expanding Russian bureaucracy. Under Alexander III, these changes were most in evidence within the Committee's membership, but in the following reign, under Nicholas II, the old patterns reasserted themselves as the percentages of landed nobility and militarily trained ministers increased. This resurgence of traditionally dominant patterns reflects the landed nobility's efforts to retain old privileges and to regain their former eminence, which had been undermined in 1861 by the emancipation of the serfs. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This study investigates David Easton's concept of political support in a three-fold analysis. The purpose of this exploratory research is to construct links between political support and empirical behavior. Drawing on a wide range of literature, the author presents inventories of indicators in order to emphasize the areas of political behavior from which empirical content for political support might be drawn. The first portion of this analysis deals with political support in the context of Easton's systems approach. Examining possible dependent variables, the author suggests that system persistence and system change are of questionable utility. The investigator chooses stress as the dependent variable, and redefines it in terms of the objects of support: the authorities, the regime, and the political community. The second part of the study examines political support as the summary independent variable. Support is divided into two sub-categories--covert and overt support--which are held to be different, independently-varying sets of behavior. Three analytical dimensions--size, concentration, and intensity--are assigned to both covert and overt support. The author suggests that, while these assigned properties are crude, they have utility in empirically defining support. The third part of this research presents inventories of indicators for covert and overt support, following the framework provided by the three analytical properties. Since no data are presented, the author suggests that conclusions cannot be drawn regarding the strength of the relationship between the indicators and the support dimensions. The researcher also offers some suggestions regarding the linkages between covert and overt support. Concluding the analysis, the author investigates simple, illustrative relationships between covert support, overt support, and stress. He warns that some spurious relationships may exist, given the crude nature of the present framework. The author finds that the present scheme seems logically useful, but that estimates of its true value must await data collection and analysis. He concludes that the study represents a partial analysis of Easton's total systems model, and that more research is necessary to operationalize this model in its entirety. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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