Este estudo é um ensaio acerca da história da Igreja Católica de Roraima e seu engajamento na luta pelas causas dos povos indígenas. Nele, delineia-se a atuação do bispo emérito, D. Aldo Mongiano, entre os anos de 1975 e 1996. Ele, junto com os padres e missionários da Consolata, se uniu em defesa de uma causa comum: a demarcação e homologação das terras indígenas ocupadas por fazendeiros e garimpeiros. Os fatos aqui narrados e analisados se baseiam em livros e artigos científicos, bem como em documentos disponibilizados pela Diocese de Roraima e por uma entrevista, realizada pelo professor Jaci Guilherme, com D. Aldo. Portanto, indo além de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, ele também se configura como uma pesquisa documental, a partir de cuja análise é possível perceber os conflitos existentes entre a Igreja e o poder local pela causa indígena, bem como a forma como ela tem contribuído para a formação e fortalecimento da cidadania indígena, em um processo de alteridade que emerge paulatinamente. / This study is a test about the history of Roraima Catholic Church and its engagement to the fight of the native causes. In it, it is showed the acting of the emeritus bishop Dom Aldo Mongiano, between the years of 1975 and 1996. Together with the priests missionaries of Consolata, he put his ministry in defense of a cause: the limitation and ratification of Indians territories occupied by farmers and prospectors. The facts narrated and analyzed here, are based on books and scientific articles, as well as documents available at the Roraima Diocese and also an interview done by Professor Jaci Guilherme, with Dom Aldo himself. Therefore, breaking the specific methodology of a bibliographic research, the work is also a documentary inquiry. The analysis of the collected documents, revealed that, there were conflicts between the church and the local power for the Indians cause, as well as the way how the ecclesial institution has contributed to the formation and strengthen of Indian citizenship in a process of boldness which emerges gradually.

The goal of this diploma work is to evaluate the process and form of determination for czechoslovak crown's exchange rate at beginning of the autonomous Czechoslovak republic and consequential implementation of monetary policy according to the development of economic situation until the beginning of the Second World War. At first I will aim to outline initial economic and monetary situation in the Czech countries before the Austria-Hungary empire break-up. The main focus of the whole work is the monetary reform in the Czechoslovak republic in 1919 whose creator was Alois Rašín. Consequently I will focus on formation of the Czechoslovak monetary policy and monetary stabilization until the world economic crisis. The important step in this period was the foundation of the autonomous emissive bank, which should have strengthened the confidence of currency and separated monetary policy from political interests. The start of the world economic crisis caused breakdown of all economics including the czechoslovak one. Due to this situation I would like to focus also on consequences of the crisis and the solutions suggested by Karel Engliš. At the end of this diploma work I would like to describe the final years of independence of the czechoslovak monetary policy before occupation and the Second World War.

Mit der „Siedlungsanlage Dresden-Strehlen“ entstand zwischen 1926 und 1928 eine der bemerkenswerten Wohnanlagen in der Stadt Dresden. Sie wurde im Auftrag der „Heimstättengesellschaft Sachsen“ GmbH -HGS- nach Entwürfen des Architekten Paul Löffler errichtet. Ergänzende Wohnbauten - zwischen 1929 und 1934 realisiert - stammen von Hans Vasak. Weiterhin sind Wohnbauten des „Allgemeinen Mietbewohnerverein“ in Dresden zu nennen. Im Zusammenhang mit der Baugeschichte dieser Siedlungsanlage wird der tragische Niedergang und eine hiermit verbundene Legendenbildung vorgestellt. Die Dokumentation umfasst 42 Seiten mit 32 Abbildungen, Bebauungsplänen, Grundrisszeichnungen und bisher nicht veröffentlichten Fotos (um 1929).

Lusatia in the plans of building the new Czechoslovakia. Great expectations and early disillusionment of the Czech Slavists. During the Great War, especially in the last year of the war, a number of representatives of Czech political and cultural life reflected upon an idea of a renewal of the Czech state in a historical borders of the former Czech crown lands. The independence of Czechoslovakia was proclaimed on October 28, 1918, by the Czechoslovak National Council in Prague. Only several years before, an independent Czechoslovakia had been a dream of a small number of intellectuals and politicians. The transformation of the dream into reality was a formidable task. While the creation of Czechoslovakia was based on certain historical precedents, it was, nevertheless, a new country carved out of disparate parts of the old Hapsburg Empire. This study deals with the matter of how Czechoslovak scientists, first of all slavists, intervened in the forming of Czechoslovak political programme. Slavists' role in the communal life of Czechoslovakia has been transforming due to changes that took place in both local and international politics. For a long time before they had no chance to participate at official state politics as there was not a sympathetic for Slavonic cooperation on an international level...

The Centralia Tragedy of 1919 has been represented in numerous works over the course of the past 100 years. The vast majority of them concern the events of the day of the Tragedy, November 11, 1919, and whether a small group of Wobblies – members of a union group known as the International Workers of the World (I.W.W.) – opened fire on a group of parading American Legionnaires. This particular element, whether or not the Wobblies opened fire on the Legionnaires or the Legionnaires actually charged the hall where the Wobblies were staying, has generated significant concern in academic and popular literature since it occurred. This study is less concerned with the events of the day itself, accepting that the full truth might not ever be known. It is instead focused on the collective remembering of that event, and how those recollections splintered into several strands of memory in the nearly 96 years since. It categorizes those strands into three specific ones: the official memory framework, the Labor countermemory framework, and the academic framework. Each strand developed from early in the Tragedy’s history, starting with authors and adherents in the days after a 1920 trial. That trial, which declared the Wobblies guilty of the deaths of four Legionnaires while not holding anyone accountable for the lynching of Wobbly Wesley Everest, generated ample discord among Centralians. This lack of closure prompted the various aggrieved parties to produce books, pamphlets, speeches, protests and even a famed statue in Centralia's main park. Over time, the various perspectives congealed into the distinct strands of memory, which often flared up in conflict between 1930 and the present day.

Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.

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El presente trabajo tiene como tema central los intentos por parte de las comunidades campesinas del Altiplano peruano, a las cuales se unieron los intelectuales indigenistas de la región, por establecer una mayor relación con el estado a través de la educación durante el Oncenio de Leguía. A través del estudio de otros intentos previos, como la legislación tutelar y las guardias indígenas, y de la discusión misma sobre la educación pública indígena se afirmará que estos intentos tuvieron como propósito no solo formar una mayor relación entre comunidades indígenas y el estado, como pretendían dichas comunidades, sino también construir una relación especial, como pretendían el movimiento indigenista, la cual afirme su rol como grupo dirigente de este proceso. En un primer momento este deseo estuvo representado en una legislación tutelar que, a diferencia de su nombre, les daba mayores poderes a las comunidades indígenas para regir sus vidas, o las guardias indígenas, un intento por crear un cuerpo político dentro de la sociedad republicana de la década de 1920. Sin embargo, dichos intentos fueron reprimidos por el estado. La educación se convirtió, entonces, en el único espacio de expresión de los distintos anhelos y propuestas por parte de cada uno de los actores: la demanda por la educación pública por parte de las comunidades campesinas, la concepción de una educación bilingüe por parte del indigenismo puneño. / Tesis

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

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