Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The aim of this study is to analyze, from the theoretical perspective of discourse analysis, especially from the theoretical notions proposed by Dominique Maingueneau in Literary Discourse (2006), aspects of the discursive practices of Brazilian singer and composer Raul Seixas, so as to investigate the way in which paratopy is constituted in his work. As understood by Maingueneau, paratopy is a characteristic of the self-constituting discourses (religious, philosophical, scientific and literary) proposed as discourses of origin and validated by an enunciation scene that authorizes them. For the author, paratopy comes from a paradoxical locality that does not concern the lack of a specific "place" for the discourse, but refers itself to the difficult negotiations between the place and the non-place, a process that emerges from the very impossibility of this discourse to stabilize itself. Such a process falls upon three dimensions Maingueneau classifies as paratopic engines: the scenography, the language code, and the ethos. In order to demonstrate the way in which Raul Seixas paratopic place is constituted, this study comprises a corpus of discursive and intersemiotic practices of the composer: i) songs; ii) album covers; iii) a presentation video at a festival; iv) and a comic-manifesto which was distributed in some of his shows. The chosen corpus and analysis carried out were outlined based on the paratopic engines, which we suppose that work as drivers to the creation of the work under study. Thus, in this perspective, they build their paratopy, which, in the specific case of Raul Seixas, emerges from the requirement and/or the announcement of a transcendent and metaphysical time and space beyond the enunciation itself. / Nesta dissertação, objetivamos analisar, sob a perspectiva teórica da Análise do Discurso, sobretudo a partir das noções teóricas propostas por Dominique Maingueneau em Discurso Literário (2006), aspectos das práticas discursivas do cantor e compositor baiano Raul Seixas, a fim de verificar o modo de constituição da paratopia em sua obra. Conforme compreendido por Maingueneau, a paratopia é característica dos discursos constituintes (o religioso, o filosófico, o científico, o literário), os quais se propõem como discursos de Origem, que são validados por uma cena de enunciação que os autoriza a si mesmos. Para o autor, a paratopia advém de uma localidade paradoxal, que não diz respeito à falta de um lugar próprio ao discurso, mas refere-se à difícil negociação entre o lugar e o não-lugar, processo que emerge da própria impossibilidade desse discurso estabilizar-se. Tal processo incide sobre três dimensões classificadas por Maingueneau como embreantes paratópicos: a cenografia, o código de linguagem e o ethos. Com o intuito de demonstrar o modo de constituição do lugar paratópico de Raul Seixas, esta dissertação se debruça sobre um corpus de análise composto por prática discursiva intersemióticas do compositor: i) canções; ii) capas de álbuns; iii) vídeo de apresentação em um festival; iv) e um gibi-manifesto que foi distribuído em alguns shows do cantor. A escolha desse corpus e as análises realizadas foram delimitadas em função dos embreantes paratópicos que funcionam como motores que impulsionam a criação da obra em estudo e, nessa perspectiva, constroem a sua paratopia que, no caso específico de Raul Seixas, advém da reivindicação e/ou anunciação de um tempo e um espaço transcendentes e metafísicos, que estão além da própria enunciação. / Mestre em Estudos Linguísticos

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-03-11Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:18:21Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 souza_lmt_me_mar.pdf: 2165997 bytes, checksum: 8821838ee0a922160daea47f0c5ea19b (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a trajetória social de Raul Santos Seixas. Neste sentido, analisaremos os esforços e recursos empenhados pelo cantor em sua tentativa de conseguir um reconhecimento nacional, durante a década de 70, no Rio de Janeiro, superando um reconhecimento regional já alcançado na Bahia e a sua tentativa de reconversão a posições de destaque em São Paulo, durante a década de 80. Neste percurso analisaremos as possíveis influências em sua produção musical derivadas das cobranças próprias aos campos musicais nas décadas de 70 e 80, assim como, as diferentes apropriações simbólicas de sua imagem nestes anos / This study aims to analyze the social history of Raul Santos Seixas. In this regard, we analyze the efforts and resources undertaken by the singer in his attempt to achieve a national recognition during the '70s, in Rio de Janeiro, overcoming a regional recognition, already achieved in Bahia, and its attempt to return to an outstanding position in Sao Paulo during the 80s. In this course we will examine the possible influences in his musical production derived from the charges themselves to the musical fields in the 70 and 80, even as the various symbolic appropriations of his image in these years

This dissertation investigates the position that interest groups occupy in the decisionmaking process of the government of Japan from case studies in the area of health policy. Three important points are demonstrated. First, the medical associations have created strong interdependent linkages to the party in power and have obtained their policy preferences from within the party's decision-making organs. Second, the policy design process in Japan's leading political party, the Liberal Democratic Party, has left little room for the prime minister's initiatives in health care policy. The party has deconcentrated the policy approval process in various councils over which the prime minister has little or no influence. This stands in sharp contrast to the situation prevailing in most parliamentary systems. Third, the thesis demonstrates how the prime minister can, through the design of supra-partisan national councils for reforms, temporarily bypass the normal policymaking channels of the party and enhance its ability to carry out policy adaptation. Two such national councils are investigated: the Nakasone Provisional Council on Administrative Reform (1981-84) and the Hashimoto Administrative Reform Council (1997-98). The temporary national councils are investigated as institutions complementary to the normal policymaking channels of the ministerial and party committees. In the field of health care, the national councils have introduced policy options which had been rejected for years by the medical body and the party in power. The Hashimoto national council, in particular, introduced marketoriented policies that significantly altered Japan's health care system. Three policy areas are investigated: the introduction of principles of information disclosure through the provision of medical files, the creation of transparent price determination mechanisms, and the attempt at reforming the medical fee schedule. These policy changes are seen as a first step toward the introduction of market principles in Japan's service economy. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Anlässlich des zwanzigsten Jahrestages der politischen Wende in Ostdeutschland fanden zahlreiche Ausstellungen statt, die sich mit der Kunstproduktion in der DDR beschäftigten. Ausgehend von Ausstellungen in Berlin, Dresden und Leipzig untersucht der Beitrag Auswahl und Präsentation prozessorientierter Kunstformen.

This study attempts to examine the international debt crisis in the 1980s from a primarily political perspective, to permit a greater understanding of the interaction between economics and politics in the course of crisis management The process of dealing with the current international debt crisis provides an pat case for investigation of how economic concerns affect political outcomes, and how political factors influence economic outcomes, and how political factors influence economic policies. This study concentrates on the two regions of Latin America and Eastern Europe where the debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt problem has been increasingly politicized in the contemporary international relations, and that its solution, in addition to the economic aspects, calls for political willingness by all parties concerned.

This study examines the consequences of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 as it relates to the concepts of cooperation and conflict. Research on interdependence focuses primarily on relations among Western countries and on whether interdependence is increasing or decreasing between them. It has rarely addressed relations between countries with different levels of economic development or the consequence of interdependence for international relations in terms of conflict and cooperation. Specifically, this study examines the following question: Does the level of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States have any affect on the level of bilateral conflict and cooperation between the two countries? The hypotheses are tested using regression analysis. The primary conclusion is that increases in bilateral interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 produced increased cooperation as well as conflict.

Le but de ce mémoire est de mettre en évidence la réaction des membres du Congrès des États-Unis dans le cadre de l'affaire Alger Hiss de 1948 à 1960. Selon notre source principale, le Congressional Record, nous avons pu faire ressortir les divergences d'opinions qui existaient entre les partisans des partis démocrate et républicain. En ce qui concerne les démocrates du Nord, nous avons établi leur tendance à nier le fait de l'infiltration soviétique dans le département d'État américain. De leur côté, les républicains ont profité du cas de Hiss pour démontrer l'incompétence du président Truman dans la gestion des affaires d'État. Il est intéressant de noter que, à la suite de l'avènement du républicain Dwight D. Eisenhower à la présidence en 1953, un changement marqué d'opinions quant à l'affaire Hiss s'opère ainsi que l'attitude des deux partis envers le communisme. Les démocrates, en fait, se mettent à accuser l'administration en place d'inaptitude dans l'éradication des espions et des communistes. En ayant recours à une stratégie similaire à celle utilisée par les républicains à l'époque Truman, ceux-ci n'entachent toutefois guère la réputation d'Eisenhower. Nous terminons en montrant que le nom d'Alger Hiss, vers la fin de la présidence Eisenhower, s'avère le symbole de la corruption soviétique et de l'espionnage durant cette période marquante de la Guerre Froide. / This masters thesis examines the reactions of members of the House of Representatives and the Senate to the Alger Hiss case starting in 1948 until the end of 1960. Through analysis of the Congressional Record, a striking contrast in political opinions emerged. While Northern Democrats denied the possibility of Soviet infiltration during the HUAC hearings, Republican’s used the Hiss scandal to demoralize the Truman administration. The election of Dwight D. Eisenhower to the presidency in 1952 changed the way both parties reacted to the communist issue and the repercussions of the Hiss case. Whereas Democrats had previously contradicted accusations of Soviet espionage in the State Department, they began criticizing the Republican administration of being soft on communism in an attempt to recreate the same atmosphere of distrust that had plagued Truman’s time in office. By the end of Eisenhower’s presidency in 1961, Alger Hiss’ name came to represent Soviet espionage of the Cold War era.

Dans quelle mesure les traditions de l’Église orthodoxe, héritière d’un modèle byzantin imprégné de césaropapisme qui ignorait donc la séparation des pouvoirs temporels et spirituels, ont-elles influencé les comportements démocratiques dans les pays d’Europe où elle est dominante ?Le cas particulier de la Roumanie depuis 1948. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an historical analysis of the American policy of Constructive Engagement and serves as a comprehensive review of that policy, its ideological foundation, formulation, aims, and strategies. This study also serves as a detailed assessment of the policy’s ties to the South African Total National Strategy. Constructive Engagement, according to the Reagan Administration, was designed to lend American support to a controlled process of change within the Republic of South Africa. This change would be accomplished by encouraging a “process of reform” that would be accompanied by American “confidence building” with the apartheid regime. Before this process could begin, however, the region had to be stabilized, and the conflicts within southern Africa resolved. With the assistance of American diplomacy, peace could be brought to the region, and South Africa could proceed to political reform within the Republic. In reality, the most important aims of Constructive Engagement were to minimize Soviet influence within the Frontline States of southern Africa and remove the Cuban combat forces from Angola. These goals would be largely achieved by supporting and encouraging the South African policy of destabilizing its neighbours, called the Total National Strategy. This alignment inexorably led to a situation in which global policy issues eclipsed regional concerns, thereby making the United States a collaborator with the apartheid regime. Consequently, South Africa was allowed to continue its program of apartheid while enjoying American encouragement of its policy of regional destabilization, particularly its cross-border attacks into Angola and Mozambique. The U.S. support for the apartheid government offered through Constructive Engagement made the policy vulnerable to criticism that the apartheid regime’s “experiment with reform” was not a move toward liberalizing the Republic’s political system but that it was tailored to deny citizenship through the establishment of Bantustans, a point that provided ammunition to domestic opponents of Constructive Engagement. For a time, U.S.-South African cooperation was effective; the Frontline States were grudgingly forced to accept Pretoria’s regional hegemony. However, dominance of the Frontline States did not improve the security of the South African state. The African National Congress had not been defeated and was determined to make the Republic ungovernable. Furthermore, by the late-1980s, Pretoria could not dominate southern Africa and Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe, which, although crippled from years of war, appeared poised to reassert themselves in the region. For South Africa, the Total National Strategy had failed, and coexistence with its neighbours would be a necessity. Without a powerful apartheid regime with which to reduce communist influence in southern Africa, the Reagan Administration abandoned Constructive Engagement. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is ’n historiese analise van die Amerikaanse beleid van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid en dien as ’n omvattende oorsig van dié beleid, sy ideologiese grondslag, formulering, oogmerke en strategieë. Dit dien ook as ’n gedetailleerde beoordeling van die beleid se bande met Suid-Afrika se Totale Nasionale Strategie. Volgens die Reagan-administrasie was Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid bedoel om Amerikaanse steun te verleen aan ’n beheerde proses van verandering binne die Republiek van Suid-Afrika. Hierdie verandering sou bereik word deur die aanmoediging van ’n ‘hervormingsproses’ wat met Amerikaanse ‘bou van vertroue’ met die apartheidregime gepaardgaan. Voordat dié proses kon begin moes die streek egter eers gestabiliseer en die konflikte binne Suider-Afrika opgelos word. Met behulp van Amerikaanse diplomasie kon vrede in die streek bewerkstellig word, en kon Suid-Afrika oorgaan tot binnelandse politieke hervorming. In werklikheid was die vernaamste oogmerke van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid om Sowjet-invloed binne die Frontliniestate van Suider-Afrika te minimaliseer en die Kubaanse gevegsmagte uit Angola te verwyder. Dié doelwitte sou grootliks bereik word deur die ondersteuning en aanmoediging van Suid-Afrika se beleid om sy buurstate te destabiliseer, wat as die Totale Nasionale Strategie bekend gestaan het. Hierdie ooreenstemming van belange het noodwendig gelei tot ’n situasie waar globale beleidskwessies streeksaangeleenthede oorskadu, en sodoende die Verenigde State van Amerika ’n kollaborateur van die apartheidregime gemaak. Gevolglik is Suid-Afrika toegelaat om sy apartheidprogram voort te sit terwyl hy Amerikaanse aanmoediging van sy beleid van streeksdestabilisering geniet, veral sy oorgrensaanvalle in Angola en Mosambiek. Die Amerikaanse steun vir die apartheidregering wat deur Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid gebied is, het die beleid vatbaar gemaak vir kritiek dat die apartheidregering se ‘eksperiment met hervorming’ nie ’n stap in die rigting van die liberalisering van die Republiek se politieke stelsel is nie, maar eerder toegespits is op die ontsegging van burgerskap deur die vestiging van Bantoestans, ’n punt wat ammunisie verskaf het aan teenstanders van Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid binne die VSA. Die VSA-RSA-samewerking was vir ’n tyd lank doeltreffend; die Frontliniestate moes skoorvoetend Pretoria se streekshegemonie aanvaar. Oorheersing van die Frontliniestate het egter nie die veiligheid van die Suid-Afrikaanse staat verbeter nie. Die African National Congress was nie verslaan nie en was vasbeslote om die Republiek onregeerbaar te maak. Boonop kon Pretoria teen die laat-1980s nie Suider-Afrika domineer nie en Angola, Mosambiek en Zimbabwe, hoewel verswak weens jare se oorlogvoering, het gereed gelyk om hulle weer in die streek te laat geld. Vir Suid-Afrika het die Totale Nasionale Strategie misluk, en naasbestaan met sy buurstate sou ’n noodsaaklikheid wees. Sonder ’n magtige apartheidregime waarmee kommunistiese invloed in Suider-Afrika verminder kon word, het die Reagan-administrasie Konstruktiewe Betrokkenheid laat vaar.

Scholars assert that the Cold War began at one of several different points. Material recently available at the National Archives yields a view different from those already presented. From these records, and material from the Foreign Relations Series, Parliamentary Debates, and United States Government documents, a new picture emerges. This study focuses on the British occupation of Germany and on the Council of Foreign Ministers' Moscow Conference of 1947. The failure of this conference preceded the adoption of the Marshall Plan and a stronger Western policy toward the Soviet Union. Thus, the Moscow Conference emphasized the disintegrating relations between East and West which resulted in the Cold War.