Orientadora: Silvana Fernandes Lopes / Banca: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Henrique Tahan Novaes / Resumo: Esta dissertação tem como objetivo apresentar e analisar a História e Memória da ADUNESP, primeira associação docente criada após o golpe de 1964. Fundada em junho de 1976, seis meses após a unificação dos Institutos Isolados de Ensino Superior (IIES) transformados em universidade, a ADUNESP configurou-se como um movimento de resistência às medidas autoritárias tomadas na gestão universitária da UNESP, assim como contra o regime ditatorial brasileiro. A pesquisa teve como recorte histórico os anos entre 1976 e 1985, ou seja, desde sua fundação até o início do processo de abertura política brasileira. A partir da consciência de classe dos docentes, o sindicato reivindicou melhorias nas condições de trabalho, no salário e buscou espaço para a participação na gestão da universidade, lutando pela democracia, contrariando a ordem vigente. Também se mobilizou e participou de processos políticos que estiveram ligados à resistência contra a ditadura brasileira, constituindo-se como sujeito político coletivo. Para tanto, esta escrita pauta-se em processos históricos: o contexto externo engloba a polarização mundial entre capitalismo e socialismo real e suas consequências na América Latina, como os golpes militares; o contexto interno engloba o campo político e educacional, e a história da ADUNESP - fundação e organização, somados à história do sindicalismo docente, por meio de jornais, panfletos, fontes bibliográficas, e algumas entrevistas com personalidades que fizeram parte da ADUN... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The aim of this project is to present and analyze the History and Memory of ADUNESP, the first labor union created after the 1964 coup d'état in Brazil. Founded in July 1976, six months after the unification of the Institutos Isolados de Educação Superior (Isolated Institutes for Higher Education) transformed into university, ADUNESP became a resistance to the authoritarian measures taken at UNESP's management, as well as to the Brazilian dictatorial regimen. The research focused on the period of 1976-1985, that is, from the coup d'état to the beginning of the country's re-democratization. Based on the professor's class consciousness, the labor union called for better working conditions and better wages as well as more faculty influence in the university management, fighting for democracy and going against that time's establishment. It also mobilized forces and took part on political processes related to the resistance to the dictatorial regimen in Brazil, becoming a collective political subject. This dissertation is based on historical processes: the international context brings the world polarization between capitalism and real socialism and its consequences to Latin America such as military coup d'états; domestically, it covers the fields of politics and education, and the history of ADUNESP - it's founding and organization connected to faculty unionism through magazines, leaflets, bibliographical references and interviews with personalities who were part of ADUNESP's staf... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

本論文共一冊，約六萬字，分為五章。 本論文之主要目的有二：其一是探討利率變動對台灣股票市場是否具有「情報效果」 ，並進一步檢定台灣股票市場是否為一半強式的效率資本市場；其二是比較不同產業 的股票對利率風險的敏感性是否相同？ 研究期間自民國６５年起，至７４年止，共計９年。實證結果顯示，利率下降期間， 股票市場具有負的異常報酬。由此可知，利率變動的確含有「情報效果」。而且，利 率與股價二者之間為負相關，即利率下降對股票市場而言，為一「好消息」；反之， 利率上升則為「壞消息」。不過，雖然上述的結果成立，可是並未達統計上的顯著性 （異常報酬未顯著異於零）。其次，實證結果也顯示，不同產業的股票，對利率風險 的敏感生並沒有顯著的差異。

How well founded are accusations of racism against Quebec nationalist? No research has been done on this question regarding contemporary Quebec. Authors who have examined the link between nationalism and racism in other contexts have disagreed about its relevance. To provide an answer, a broad and flexible definition of the concept of racism is required. This thesis analyses the content of the Parti Quebecois' political discourse concerning minority communities as reported in newspapers between 1981 to 1990. An original aspect of this research is the fact is submits its results to representatives of the Parti Quebecois and minority communities to shed different lights on the author's interpretation of his results. The research supports the conclusion that the Parti Quebecois' discourse from 1981 to 1990 was not racist. As a result, a direct link between nationalism and racism cannot be established.

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Ce mémoire se veut une étude de cas sur les relations d'un député québécois avec ses commettants et son milieu. Nous nous sommes basé sur l'expérience de Denise LeBlanc-Bantey, députée des Îles-de-la-Madeleine pour le Parti québécois entre 1976 et 1985, pour effectuer notre recherche. Les principaux objectifs de ce mémoire étaient de cerner les véritables problèmes auxquels les députés sont confrontés par leurs contacts directs et indirects avec leurs commettants. Le choix de la circonscription des Îles-de-la-Madeleine et de sa députée de l'époque s'explique par la spécificité de cette région. En effet, nous avons tenté d'établir un lien entre les caractéristiques propres aux îles et les problèmes rapportés à la députée. Dans le même sens, nous avons suivi les démarches entreprises par LeBlanc-Bantey, auprès des ministres et des autorités municipales de son comté, pour régler les problèmes de ses commettants. Finalement, nous avons porté une attention particulière à son travail d'adjointe parlementaire aux pêcheries puisqu'il nous apparaissait plutôt rare pour un député d'être en charge du plus important secteur économique de sa circonscription. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013