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This thesis is an historical study of the formation of Thatcherite economic thinking and policymaking with a particular focus upon investigating the part played by economic ideas and economists in Thatcherism. While some economists and economic ideas are closely associated with Thatcherism, Thatcherites were hostile to the bulk of Britain’s economists residing in universities and in the Government Economic Service and skeptical of the usefulness of economic theory in policymaking. Thatcherites thought that British academic and government economists supported a ‘Keynesian consensus’ which was purported to have been in operation since the Second World War and had allegedly retarded Britain’s growth from a quasi-mythical free-enterprise Victorian high-point. However, Thatcherites were keen to win the ‘battle of ideas’ and became eager ‘buyers’ of economic ideas – Keith Joseph particularly – in a ‘marketplace in economic ideas’ which developed over the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Yet, Thatcherites were not suddenly converted to neoliberal economic thinking by the marketplace in economic ideas. Instead, Thatcherites pragmatically sought out ideas which could be adopted and adapted in combination with long-standing ideological beliefs which were hostile to the size and role of the state and in favour of ‘sound money.’ Thatcherite economic thinking developed to include sometimes contradictory strands of supply-side economics, Austrian economics, monetarism/rational expectations and public choice economics but also contained, particularly for Margaret Thatcher, elements of ‘businessmen’s economics’ and ‘housewife economics.’ A case study of privatisation policy illustrates the point that pre-existing Thatcherite thinking, such as the desire to ‘roll back the state’, provided the core underlying rationale for economic policies. Yet, Thatcherites were also able to use a jumbled amalgam of economic ideas such as Austrian and neoclassical economics to promote secondary objectives such as introducing competition when conditions were judged as favourable by Thatcherites.

This doctoral thesis studies a cycle of British film and television fictions produced in the years 2005-2011 and set retrospectively in the 1980s. In its identification and in-depth textual and contextual analysis of what it terms the ‘Eighties Cycle’, it offers a significant contribution to British film and television scholarship. It examines eighties-set productions as members of a sub-genre of British recent-past period dramas begging unique consideration outside of comparisons to British ‘heritage’ dramas, to contemporary social dramas or to actual history. It shows that incentives for depicting the eighties are wide-ranging; consequently, it situates productions within their cultural and industrial contexts, exploring how these dictate which eighties codes are cited and how they are textually used. The Introduction delineates the Eighties Cycle, establishes the project’s academic and historical basis and outlines its approach. Chapter 1 situates the work within the academic fields that inform it, briefly surveying histories and socio-cultural studies before examining and assessing existing scholarship on Eighties Cycle productions alongside critical literature on 1980s, 90s and contemporary British film and television; nostalgia and retro; modern media, history and memory; British and American period screen fiction; and transmedia storytelling. Chapter 2 considers how a selection of productions employing ‘the eighties’ as a visual and audio style invoke and assign meaning to commonly recognised aesthetic codes according to their targeted audiences and/or intended messages. Chapter 3 investigates semi-autobiographical dramas that bear the mark of remembering, from the vantage point of the present, a time of fast expansions and shifts in the global media landscape. Chapter 4 explores how historical fictions locate historical knowledge in the decade’s refraction through modern media and reconstruct, deconstruct or ironise these mediations to meet particular cultural or industrial demands. Chapter 5 identifies two spin-offs that exploit shifts toward transmedia production and distribution by using eighties iconography as the set pieces for an immersive fantasy world, considering how and why their source texts are adapted and what this implies for past representation. Finally, the Conclusion reviews the project’s findings and briefly considers possible factors for the cycle’s deceleration and transformation after 2011. Ultimately, this project sees the Eighties Cycle as a by-product of shifts in Britain toward advanced globalisation and new mediation that have facilitated access to domestic and international mediated recent pasts. These productions operate within a distinct recent-past period screen fiction mode, engaging audiences equipped with comprehensive notions of the eighties as circulated in media. Meaning is produced in how these notions are structured; sometimes they are lauded, sometimes parodied, sometimes criticised or ironised, and sometimes they are simply cited for the sheer pleasure of recall.

The diploma thesis called Labour Party during the Premiership of Margaret Thatcher (1979- 1990) focuses on the causes of the defeats of the Labour Party in 1979, 1983 and 1987. For this purpose it examines the relations of the individual party factions. Attention is also paid to opinion polls, especially party preferences. Last but not least, it is taken into account how the Labor Party turned towards centrism and rejected the more radical left-wing policy it had enforced in its first opposition period. Key words Labour Party, Militant, Social Democratic Party, Tony Benn, Neil Kinnock, David Owen, Michael Foot, National Executive Committee, Tony Benn, Trade unions

The diploma thesis called Labour Party during the Premiership of Margaret Thatcher (1979- 1990) focuses on the causes of the defeats of the Labour Party in 1979, 1983 and 1987. For this purpose it examines the relations of the individual party factions. Attention is also paid to opinion polls, especially party preferences. Last but not least, it is taken into account how the Labor Party turned towards centrism and rejected the more radical left-wing policy it had enforced in its first opposition period. Key words Labour Party, Militant, Social Democratic Party, Tony Benn, Neil Kinnock, David Owen, Michael Foot, National Executive Committee, Tony Benn, Trade unions

A década de 1980 ficou conhecida no Brasil como a década perdida. Certamente, os anos 1980 expressaram fortemente o que representou a chamada crise da dívida para os países periféricos, especialmente, os latino-americanos. Os governos da Ditadura militar condicionaram as políticas econômicas para o pagamento da dívida externa. A dívida foi internalizada e estatizada ao longo dos anos 1980, o que deixou o país à beira do colapso, com queda do produto interno, altas taxas de inflação e com o Estado paralisado por conta do endividamento externo e interno. O governo Sarney, apesar de ser o primeiro governo civil após a Ditadura, não foi eleito pelo voto do povo. A transição democrática, feita em comum acordo com os grupos que deixavam o poder, levou à mudança somente na aparência, mas a essência permanecia a mesma. Sarney era presidente do partido (PDS) sucessor da Arena e sustentáculo político civil da Ditadura. Deixou o partido em junho de 1984, portanto, menos de um ano antes de tomar posse como presidente da República, em uma coalização aparentemente de oposição. Assim, essa dissertação busca compreender de que forma as políticas econômicas do governo Sarney também representaram uma continuidade em relação aos governos anteriores, apesar dos sucessivos planos de estabilização, que grande parte da historiografia econômica considerou como não-ortodoxos. / 1980s were recognized as the lost decade. Certainly this period expressed what represented the known debt crisis for underdeveloped countries especially the latin americans. The military government engaged the economical policies to payment of external debt. The debt became public at 1980s and this induced a fall on the internal product, a high inflation rates and had the effect on the State leading to a standstill period caused by the external and internal debts. Sarney was not elected by people vote even he was the first president after military government. The democratic transition period was achieved by pact with the left group power and this fact changed appearance only and not the essence. Sarney was the president of PDS, followed by the Arena witch sustained the military government; he has left this party in June 1984, one year before become president of Republic seeming opposition grouping. This study aim to understand the economical policies of Sarney government is continuing of previous governments although stabilization plans were attempt and that the economical historiography considers as not orthodox.

A confluência entre eventos do movimento operário e a atuação de cineastas de esquerda nos anos 1970, produziu obras importantes para o documentarismo brasileiro. Dentre elas, o filme Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), uma obra audiovisual de impacto epocal, que narrou a disputa entre três correntes ideológicas e programáticas distintas, a concorrer à presidência do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo, em 1978. Ao final daquela década, a política brasileira foi surpreendida por manifestações e greves operárias de grandes proporções. As chamadas Greves das Comissões ocorreram em São Paulo, região que movimentava um dos maiores PIBs do país, em plena transição democrática. Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas é uma obra filmográfica que construiu narrativas sobre este acontecimento e período histórico. Os diretores, Roberto Gervitz e Sérgio Toledo Segall, foram convidados pela Chapa 3, a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica de São Paulo (OSM-SP), uma das concorrentes ao pleito, para registrar o processo dessa campanha eleitoral. Durante as filmagens ocorreram as grandes greves paulistas, tanto em São Paulo, quanto na região industrial do ABC, acontecimentos que acabaram por permear a construção narrativa e a perspectiva política da obra. Nesta tese, analisamos Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas enquanto registro das atividades da Oposição Sindical. O filme foi lido como uma intervenção política e estética, que construiu uma nova representação sobre a classe operária e popular, o qual nos permitiu mapear o debate, as expectativas e os impasses político-culturais travados no campo das esquerdas nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisamos problemáticas postas na obra que, de certo modo, nutriram a matriz de pensamento de uma nova esquerda emergente no país, que culminou na criação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), fundado dois anos após a realização do filme. / The confluence between worker movement events and the role played by leftist filmmakers in the 1970s, resulted in important Brazilian documentary making. The film, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), an audiovisual work of epochal impact, narrates the dispute between three ideologies and programs running for the metallurgic union in São Paulo, in 1978. At the end of that decade, Brazilian politics would be overcome with massive protests and worker strikes. The Commission Strikes happened during the democratic transition in São Paulo, the region with one of the highest GDPs in the country. The narrative plot in the film directed by Roberto Gervitz and Sérgio Toledo Segall takes place during this historical event and period. The directors were invited by Chapa 3, which represented the candidacy São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition (OSM-SP), to document their electoral campaign. During the shooting, there were big strikes in São Paulo and in the industrial ABC region, and these events shaped the narrative building and the films entire perspective. In this thesis, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines is analyzed as a report of the activities undertaken by São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition. It is analyzed as a political and aesthetic intervention that would come to create a new representation of the working class. It allowed for the mapping of the debate on expectations and political and cultural impasses, at a time the leftists were being redefined. This would all lead to the matrix of an emergent left wing and the subsequent establishment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT- Workers Party) two years after the film was produced.

A confluência entre eventos do movimento operário e a atuação de cineastas de esquerda nos anos 1970, produziu obras importantes para o documentarismo brasileiro. Dentre elas, o filme Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), uma obra audiovisual de impacto epocal, que narrou a disputa entre três correntes ideológicas e programáticas distintas, a concorrer à presidência do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo, em 1978. Ao final daquela década, a política brasileira foi surpreendida por manifestações e greves operárias de grandes proporções. As chamadas Greves das Comissões ocorreram em São Paulo, região que movimentava um dos maiores PIBs do país, em plena transição democrática. Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas é uma obra filmográfica que construiu narrativas sobre este acontecimento e período histórico. Os diretores, Roberto Gervitz e Sérgio Toledo Segall, foram convidados pela Chapa 3, a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica de São Paulo (OSM-SP), uma das concorrentes ao pleito, para registrar o processo dessa campanha eleitoral. Durante as filmagens ocorreram as grandes greves paulistas, tanto em São Paulo, quanto na região industrial do ABC, acontecimentos que acabaram por permear a construção narrativa e a perspectiva política da obra. Nesta tese, analisamos Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas enquanto registro das atividades da Oposição Sindical. O filme foi lido como uma intervenção política e estética, que construiu uma nova representação sobre a classe operária e popular, o qual nos permitiu mapear o debate, as expectativas e os impasses político-culturais travados no campo das esquerdas nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisamos problemáticas postas na obra que, de certo modo, nutriram a matriz de pensamento de uma nova esquerda emergente no país, que culminou na criação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), fundado dois anos após a realização do filme. / The confluence between worker movement events and the role played by leftist filmmakers in the 1970s, resulted in important Brazilian documentary making. The film, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), an audiovisual work of epochal impact, narrates the dispute between three ideologies and programs running for the metallurgic union in São Paulo, in 1978. At the end of that decade, Brazilian politics would be overcome with massive protests and worker strikes. The Commission Strikes happened during the democratic transition in São Paulo, the region with one of the highest GDPs in the country. The narrative plot in the film directed by Roberto Gervitz and Sérgio Toledo Segall takes place during this historical event and period. The directors were invited by Chapa 3, which represented the candidacy São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition (OSM-SP), to document their electoral campaign. During the shooting, there were big strikes in São Paulo and in the industrial ABC region, and these events shaped the narrative building and the films entire perspective. In this thesis, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines is analyzed as a report of the activities undertaken by São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition. It is analyzed as a political and aesthetic intervention that would come to create a new representation of the working class. It allowed for the mapping of the debate on expectations and political and cultural impasses, at a time the leftists were being redefined. This would all lead to the matrix of an emergent left wing and the subsequent establishment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT- Workers Party) two years after the film was produced.

<p>This dissertation examines the political response of gay and lesbian organizations to the HIV/AIDS crisis through the lens of disability. When the National Gay Task Force (NGTF) formed in the 1970s, their early political efforts confronted the stigma and exclusion associated with the American Psychiatric Association’s disabling label. In the 1980s, gay and lesbian organizations faced a deadly epidemic—AIDS. The high cost of medical care left people with AIDS destitute. NGTF pressed the Social Security Administration to modify their disability criteria to recognize AIDS and ARC as qualifying disabilities. Fear and homophobia left people with AIDS vulnerable to employment, housing and medical discrimination as well as social ostracism. Gay Men’s Health Crisis and Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund countered AIDS discrimination in New York through collaborative efforts with city and state agencies. Disability rights codes and laws offered people with AIDS some protection against discrimination. The Task Force, the Gay Rights National Lobby and the Disability Rights Defense & Education Fund joined the Leadership Conference on Civil Rights in 1982. While the Conference did not engage in the campaign for gay and lesbian rights in the 1980s, their extended legislative crusade for the Civil Rights Restoration Act would bring AIDS onto the battlefield. This study finds these various antecedents came into play during the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) to the extent that gay and lesbian organizations could describe the ADA as an “AIDS bill” in terms of both their political participation and the text protecting people with contagious diseases who were not a threat.<br></p>

The thesis investigates the field of Theatre practice variously referred to as alternative, non-mainstream, avant-garde, community or fringe theatre. I have suggested the term 'Radical Group Theatre' - a term which, I believe, best encompasses the sector formerly represented by this diverse body of theatre practice. I focus on the relationship between theoretical and practical paradigms, and debates surrounding them; theatre making processes; and directorial practice in a theatre form which has emerged as a distinctive set of characteristics, ideological frameworks and practices in the Australian context. The work is strongly informed by the perspectives and practices of a range of major contributors to the field. It notes the inadequacy of conventional analytics and established understandings of the theory/practice nexus for exploring Radical Group Theatre, and establishes an alternate set of frameworks. These enable fresh engagement with the development and current praxis of an important theatre form which has not previously been considered as a whole field yet has taken particularly exciting directions in Australia over the past three decades. Methodology and objectives: An important aspect of the study is the way in which the research methodology parallels the practice under investigation. That is, the practice of Radical Group Theatre in Australia mirrors the 'Reflective Reflexive Loop' which I propose as the pre-eminent principle of the praxis. The methodology has developed out of my Masters degree research which was an interrogation of my directorial practice in the field of Youth/Community theatre, 1976-1989. I was further interested to analyse the field of group theatre to determine whether common key principles identified as characteristics of the form in the earlier study constituted the basis for an analytical model of Radical Group Theatre praxis. The investigation for this thesis began with a project designed to synthesise the essential qualities of directorial practice: the qualities of the good director, the major influences on practice, and the expectations participants have regarding the function of the director. The preliminary findings formed the basis for a comparative study which sought answers to the key questions as they apply to a pre-professional radical theatre setting - university student theatre. This project gave birth to the focus questions of the study which established the theoretical and methodological frames for the thesis.