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Der erste Weltkrieg endete mit einer nur unvollkommenen Niederlage Deutschlands. Zur Zeit des Waffenstillstandes standen deutsche Heere in Rußland, in der Ukraine, in Belgien und in Frankreich. Wilsons vierzehn Punkte schienen eine bessere Zukunft zu verheißen, dooh es zeigte sich sehr bald, daß England und Frankreich nicht gewillt waren, auf die Früchte eines vierjahrigen Kampfes zu verzichten. Wilson verlor das Vertrauen seiner Landsleute, und Amerika zog sich sehließlich entmutigt von allen weiteren Verhandlungen über das Schicksal der besiegten Machte zurück. Wilsons Selbstbestimmungsreoht der Volker wurde allen zivilisierten Nationen zugestanden-- außer den besiegten Mittelmächten. Osterreioh bemühte sich um Eingliederung in das Deutsche Reich, die ihm jedoch von den Alliierten verweigert wurde. [...]

This thesis examines the tensions that have continued to plague Southern Sudan since the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). It investigates factors that, if left unchecked, may lead to renewed conflict. Ethnic tensions have been exacerbated by two decades of war and divide-and-rule tactics, creating a fragile post-conflict environment in which ethnic-based militias continue to operate. Weakened by claims of ethnic discrimination, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement struggles to establish its legitimacy as the southern ruling party and demonstrate its ability to provide equitable power and wealth sharing. Vast oil resources have raised the stakes of conflict for all parties, including the northern ruling National Congress Party (NCP) which risks losing its share of oil revenues if the South secedes---a possible outcome of the CPA. This thesis argues that, to ensure its own survival, the NCP fuels southern divisions to undermine the implementation of the CPA.

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Texte remanié de: Thesis--Philadelphia--University of Pennsylvania. / Bibliogr. p. 179-195. Index.

Diss.--Hamburg--Univ., 1993. / Notes bibliogr. en bas de p. Bibliogr. p. 233-260.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Departamento de Antropologia, Programa de Pós-graduação em Antropologia Social, 2008. / Submitted by wesley oliveira leite (leite.wesley@yahoo.com.br) on 2009-09-25T17:42:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_TiagoEliLimaPassos.pdf: 904581 bytes, checksum: 73756991ef07b713191d1a8f38d0749e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gomes Neide(nagomes2005@gmail.com) on 2010-10-05T13:46:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_TiagoEliLimaPassos.pdf: 904581 bytes, checksum: 73756991ef07b713191d1a8f38d0749e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2010-10-05T13:46:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008_TiagoEliLimaPassos.pdf: 904581 bytes, checksum: 73756991ef07b713191d1a8f38d0749e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08 / Este trabalho questiona o discurso que explica a violência das polícias brasileiras, na pósredemocratização, em termos de sobrevivências ou resíduos anacrônicos herdados da ditadura militar (1964-1985). Para tanto, faço a crítica das ciências sociais e da academiabrasileira, que concorreram para silenciar o fato do terrorismo de Estado racista e classista sistematicamente imposto às classes subalternas ter, na verdade, uma história de 200 anos, em que o arbítrio e a truculência jamais cessaram. Tento mostrar como, e explicar por que, a academia brasileira somente deu importância ao terror do Estado quando as forças policiais passaram a torturar e matar as camadas médias brancas politicamente radicalizadas. Faço, assim, a crítica da perspectiva que se pode chamar de excepcionalista. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This paper questions the discourse that explains the violence by the Brazilian police, in the post re-democratization, in terms of survival or anachronic residues inherited from the military dictatorship (1964- 1985). That for, I criticize the social science and the Brazilian academy for their participation in silencing the fact that the terrorism of a racist and classist state has been systematically imposed on the subaltern classes over 200 years in which the arbitrariness and truculence never ceased to operate. I try to display and explain why the Brazilian academy only started to pay attention to the terror caused by the state after the police forces started to torture and kill the white middle classes politically radicalized. By doing that, I criticize the perspective that could be called exceptionalist.

Orientador: Anderson Deo / Banca: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Banca: Fábio Antônio de Campos / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a crise do "milagre" no Brasil e a relação estabelecida no contexto internacional marcada pela crise de Bretton Woods. O período discutido diz respeito à trajetória da ditadura militar brasileira, entre os anos 1964 e meados da década de 1980. Observamos que as transformações ocorridas a partir da ascensão dos militares ao poder representaram um ponto de inflexão na organização política e econômica do país. As relações entre Estado e sociedade se redefiniram e foram marcadas pelo aprofundamento da autocracia burguesa dado, a destituição da institucionalidade liberal-democrática. Nesse bojo, o projeto de desenvolvimento encetado neste momento esteve amparado sob uma significativa reestruturação do sistema financeiro do país voltada para a entrada de capitais externos e, sobretudo, por medidas que ensejavam facilitar a tomada de empréstimos no mercado internacional, evidenciando novas facetas do padrão de financiamento do Brasil. O arranjo econômico encetado, acomodava-se às vicissitudes da economia internacional uma vez que, a reprodução ampliada do capital deslocava-se, cada vez mais, para a esfera financeira. Esse processo resultou em um crescimento extraordinário do país alcançado no limiar dos anos de 1960, o chamado "milagre" econômico. Entendemos, deste modo, que o bloco histórico capitaneado pelo regime militar se deu em razão do capital monopolista, cuja a fração financeira assumiu a preponderância na reprodução capitalista no Brasi... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This dissertation aims to analyze the crisis of the "miracle" in Brazil and its established the relation in the international context marked by the Bretton Woods crisis. The period under discussion concerns the trajectory of the Brazilian military dictatorship between 1964 and the mid-1980s. We observed that the transformations that occurred from the rise of the military to power represented a turning point in the political and economic organization of the country. The relations between State and society were redefined and marked by the deepening of bourgeois autocracy given the destructionof liberal-democratic institutionality. In this context, the development project lauched at that moment was supported by a significant restructuring of the country's financial system aimed at the inflow of foreign capital and, above all, by measures that facilitated the lowans in the international market, showing evidences of new facets of Brazil's finacing patterns. The economic arrangement initiated was getting accommodated to the international economy vicissitudes once the enlarged reproduction of the capital was being deslocated, more and more, to the financial sphere. This process resulted in an extraordinary growth for the country that was reached at the threshold of the 1960s, which was called and reffered to as an economic "miracle". We understand, thus, that the historical block captained by the military regime was due to monopoly capital, and its financial fraction became preponde... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre