Dissertação (Mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão. / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-17T10:12:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2016-01-09T00:01:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 142079.pdf: 3466909 bytes, checksum: a00ec76ce508e3223dfe2ccc4a8b48d4 (MD5)

The basic objectives of ANC policy are threefold: * To overcome the legacy of inequality and injustice created by colonialism and apartheid, in a swift, progressive and principled way; * To develop an economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans; and, * To encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, to promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country and to create a universal sense of freedom and security within its borders. These are not mutually exclusive goals. On the contrary, the future of our country depends on the harmonious and simultaneous realisation of all three. The advancement of the majority of people will, in the medium-and-long-term, release hitherto untapped and suppressed talents and energies that will both boost and diversify the economy. Developing the economy will, in turn, provide the basis for overcoming the divisions of the past without creating new ones. Finally, the achievement of a genuine sense of national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. The beacons guiding these advances are equal rights, nonracialism, non-sexism, democracy and mutual respect. A broad, inclusive approach, free of arrogance or complexes of superiority or inferiority, is fundamental. We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one undistorted by the prejudices and sectarianism that has guided viewpoints on race and gender, in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences, talents and know-how of all South Africans, men and women. There can be no apartheid in finding solutions to the problems created by apartheid. This document does not present a rigid ANC blue-print for the future of South Africa, to which our supporters will be expected to rally and our opponents required to submit. Rather, the document represents a set of basic guidelines to policies we intend to pursue. These ideas will be developed through discussion within the ANC, and through consultation with the broadest spectrum of South African public opinion. The policies will be adapted according to these processes and on the basis of experience. Our problems run deep It is necessary to dwell on the problems which will be faced by the first government which is elected under a new democratic constitution. It will help create an understanding of the magnitude of the tasks involved in transforming our country into one where everyone can enjoy a reasonable standard of living combined with peace and security. It will underline the fact that there are choices to be made and priorities to be established. The nationalist government has pursued active political and social policies which, amongst others things, have led to: extreme levels of poverty and disease in the rural areas; the creation of urban ghettos where people have been denied access to even the most basic means of survival as a result of severely limited access to decent homes, electricity, water-borne sewerage, tarred roads, and recreational facilities; an education system preparing the majority of South Africans for lives of subordination and low income wage jobs; a social security system geared almost entirely to fulfilling the needs of the white minority; a health system that has seriously neglected the wellbeing of most South Africans; the social and political marginalisation of the majority of people, the African community in particular, their exclusion from public life and decision [ making as well as the denial of their culture. Gender discrimination has either excluded or subordinated the nature of women's participation in all socio-economic and political institutions. Combined with apartheid, this has resulted in African women being the most exploited and poverty stricken section of the South African population. Both the political system of apartheid and the pattern of economic development in our country, have been responsible for these developments. The white minority have used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote their own sectional interests at the expense of black people and the country's natural resources. Black people have been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the result that South Africa has one of the most unequal patterns of income and wealth distribution in the world. Since the mid-1970s, the South African economy has stagnated. An average growth rate of 6% in the 1960s declined to 3% in the 1970s and is now below 1%. Unemployment is estimated at over 40% of the economically active population. For over forty years, economic strategy was based on expanding industry through the substitution of hitherto imported manufactured goods for the wealthy minority. There has also been an emphasis on strategic industries such as arms and petrochemicals. This led to the emergence of a significant manufacturing sector in our country, but one which is generally uncompetitive in terms of international costs and prices. The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of the African majority's rights to land and political power in our country are intimately connected. The agricultural sector in South Africa is currently experiencing a deep crisis. Debt levels of white farmers have reached R14 billion. These problems have led to rapidly increasing unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Our people remain divided. We do not know each other. We are prevented from developing a national vision, in terms of which, we would see our country through the eyes of all its citizens, and not just one group or another. We live apart, physically separated, spiritually alienated, frightened of getting too close, knowing that we have different life-chances and different views of what change means. We are ruled by a multiplicity of fragmented departments, boards, councils and ministries. Apartheid has left us apart. Policies for transformation In this context it is vital that the ANC develops a clear response. This response must be aimed both at establishing a new and democratic political dispensation that replaces the racist and undemocratic apartheid constitution and addresses the legacy of apartheid in the broader socio-economic sphere. This document is a direct response to the above challenges. It sets out for discussion a comprehensive set of guidelines highlighting the ANC's broad policy response to all the major areas of political, social and economic life. The document is structured so as to highlight the strong relationship between the creation of political democracy and social and economic transformation. It is critical, however, that we honestly face up to the extent of the problems confronting our country. They are not going to be solved overnight and there are no easy or quick solutions. The problems run deep and resources are limited. Accordingly, the policies proposed here represent our broad vision. These policies highlight, our ultimate goals, which will need to be transformed into effective and realisable programmes in the short-term. In other words, we will need to establish priorities both within each of the different policy areas and between these broad areas. These priorities must be arrived at through democratic discussions and decision making processes and we must establish just and efficient mechanisms for implementing these decisions. Progress will also depend on involving as many sections of our society as possible in finding solutions.

Este trabalho investiga os elementos que caracterizam a escrita pianística da Paulistana nº 7 de Claudio Santoro. Examina como a escrita pianística desenvolveu-se em decorrência dos eventos sócio-culturais desde os seus primórdios até meados do século XX. Contextualiza historicamente a obra, expõe a análise formal e harmônica da peça e exibe as conexões entre os elementos que caracterizam a escrita pianística da Paulistana nº 7 e os de outras obras do repertório pianístico brasileiro.

My diploma work "Solo for Flute in the Works of the Czech and Slovak Composers after 1989" is cataloguing works for flute solo, flute with accompanying instrument, flute and electronics, flute and string quartet and flute with orchestra, that were composed after the "velvet" revolution. It includes all available information and to compositions, I was able to perform, or which I consider most important, I provide the interpretation analyses. Annexe of the work contains two interviews with Profesor Vladimír Bokes and Profesor Marek Kopelent, which help to describe the period and creative atmosphere after 1989.

After the introductory chapters dealing with problematics of living abroad including memories of writers and non-writers, the thesis presents literary (especially lyrical) work of women writers who have decided to live beyond the borders of Czechoslovakia between years 1968-1989. This requires reflection of the whole context of post-war period. The attention is primarily focused on topics, motifs and instruments of poetic language that are present or absent in the chosen collections of poetry and on their potential changeability as well. There are also discussed the causes of exile or emigration of poetesses as well as other hypothetical effects on their work that are based on socio-cultural events. The final chapter outlines the situation after the year 1989 when some of poetesses have chosen the comeback to their motherland, some of them have stayed abroad or they have decided for life that does not have to consist of decision for a single country.

The aim of this thesis is to map the impact of strategic thinking and logical empiricism on the metodology of sciences in the USA after the Second World War

O objetivo deste artigo é o de analisar a organização rítmica de uma obra para piano do compositor brasileiro Cláudio Santoro. A análise da obra denominada Paulistana n.º 2 – Tempo de Catira – apoia-se na fundamentação teórica postulada por Grosvenor Cooper & Leonard Meyer (1960). Este trabalho alia os pressupostos teóricos fundamentados em estudos recentes sobre o ritmo e sua organização, em agrupamentos e em níveis hierárquicos com o propósito de delinear uma interpretação musical. Neste contexto, as considerações teóricas são utilizadas para entender a partitura. Os dois pólos, o teórico e o prático, são complementares e juntos contribuem para um entendimento musical equilibrado.

Este estudo propõe-se a tecer, através de um percurso pela obra de Paulo Leminski, possíveis enlaces com a psicanálise, a partir da ruptura na cadeia discursiva proporcionada pela poesia assim como pelo ato analítico. Deste modo, aproxima-se esta pesquisa também ao pensamento dos estudos utópicos, que propõem um radical não ao instituído, sugerindo um questionamento e um tensionamento da ordem estabelecida. Partindo-se destes pressupostos, realiza-se uma reflexão sobre a escrita biográfica-poética de Leminski, através das quatro biografias escritas por ele: Cruz e Sousa, Bashô, Jesus Cristo e Trótski. / This study intends to weave, through a course in the work of Paulo Leminski, possible links with psychoanalysis, from the rupture in the discursive chain provided by poetry as well as the analytic act. Thus, this research also approaches thinking of the utopian studies, which proposes to set up a radical no to the institutionalized, proposing a tension and a questioning to the established order. Starting from these assumptions, it makes a reflection on the poetics of Leminski’s biographical-writing, through the four biographies written by him: Cruz e Sousa, Basho, Jesus Christ and Trótsky, respectively.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2013. / Submitted by Luiza Silva Almeida (luizaalmeida@bce.unb.br) on 2013-07-24T16:46:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_SuellenNetoPiresMaciel.pdf: 1562952 bytes, checksum: 7b8739869cd714f574898251bd1c8d7f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luanna Maia(luanna@bce.unb.br) on 2013-07-26T15:06:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_SuellenNetoPiresMaciel.pdf: 1562952 bytes, checksum: 7b8739869cd714f574898251bd1c8d7f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-07-26T15:06:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_SuellenNetoPiresMaciel.pdf: 1562952 bytes, checksum: 7b8739869cd714f574898251bd1c8d7f (MD5) / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo as propostas para as áreas da economia, questão agrária, educação e trabalho contidas nos programas de governo apresentados pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras nos anos de 1989 e 2002. A partir da seleção dessas propostas, objetivou-se apresentar uma análise comparativa das proposições para essas áreas, evidenciando as mudanças e/ou permanências entre o que foi apresentado pelo partido em 1989 e em 2002. Buscou-se ressaltar o modo como essas propostas foram apresentadas, evidenciando, assim, o chamado aggiornamento político pelo qual o PT passou. A pesquisa das fontes revelou que, além de alcançar um programa de governo vitorioso em 2002, o PT moderou o discurso partidário e passou, dentro do espectro político, de um partido socialista para um partido mais próximo da social-democracia. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This research is aimed at analayzing the propositions on economy, agrobusiness, education and job market in the government programs presented by the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, or PT) for the Brazilian presidential elections in 1989 and in 2002. From the selection of such propositions, the goal was to present a comparative analysis for these areas, making it evident, thereby, the changes and/or continuities between what was presented by the party in 1989 and in 2002. It has also been tried to highlight how these propositions were submitted, making it also evident the so called political aggiornamento through which PT has undergone. A search through the sources has revealed that, besides achieving a victorious government program in 2002, they have moderated the partisan speech and made the transition, within the political spectrum, from a socialist party to one closer to the social democracy.

O objetivo deste artigo é o de analisar a organização rítmica de uma obra para piano do compositor brasileiro Cláudio Santoro. A análise da obra denominada Paulistana n.º 2 – Tempo de Catira – apoia-se na fundamentação teórica postulada por Grosvenor Cooper & Leonard Meyer (1960). Este trabalho alia os pressupostos teóricos fundamentados em estudos recentes sobre o ritmo e sua organização, em agrupamentos e em níveis hierárquicos com o propósito de delinear uma interpretação musical. Neste contexto, as considerações teóricas são utilizadas para entender a partitura. Os dois pólos, o teórico e o prático, são complementares e juntos contribuem para um entendimento musical equilibrado.