The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.

Cette étude porte sur la série Bleu-Blanc-Rouge (1969-1979) de Serge Lemoyne (1941-1998). Ce corpus est caractérisé par des références au hockey et l'usage exclusif par le peintre du bleu, du blanc et du rouge. Bien que pouvant avoir de nombreuses significations, ces trois couleurs sont associées au Canadien de Montréal pour les Québécois contemporains à la création de l'œuvre. En effet, le club de hockey connaît une période très fructueuse qui débute dans les années cinquante jusqu'au début des années quatre-vingt et qui engendre une couverture médiatique importante. Des productions culturelles de tous les domaines empruntent cette thématique, ce qui a pour effet de mythifier le Canadien et ses membres. Inspiré des études de culture visuelle, ce mémoire s'intéresse à la construction mythique de l'équipe et à la façon dont elle a pu influencer la lecture des œuvres de Lemoyne. De même, il tente de comprendre comment ces œuvres ont pu participer au processus de mythification. Appuyé par les théories de l'ornnivorité culturelle et se basant sur une analyse historique des changements sociaux ayant cours dans les années soixante et soixante-dix au Québec, ce mémoire vise à relever en quoi Bleu-Blanc-Rouge est symptomatique d'une époque où la démocratisation de la culture est au centre des préoccupations. Le hockey est le point de mire du travail de Lemoyne, qui tente de rassembler autour de son œuvre les initiés de l'art contemporain et les classes populaires. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Serge Lemoyne, Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, Canadien de Montréal, culture populaire, mythe, démocratisation culturelle

Förskolan har vuxit sig allt större de senaste åren och majoriteten av alla barn går i förskolan. 1998 skedde en stor förändring då ansvaret för förskolan överfördes från Socialdepartementet till Utbildningsdepartementet och förskolan blev en del av skolväsendet. Vi har i denna studie undersökt hur pedagogens roll i förhållande till barnen skrivs fram i Det pedagogiska programmet för förskolan från 1987 och i Läroplanen för förskolan från 1998/2010 samt vilken barnsyn som ligger till grund för detta. Vi har utgått från Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys som teori och metod. Teorin bygger på en uppfattning om att diskursen påverkar och påverkas av den diskursiva och sociala praktiken den är en del av (och även andra). Vi har genom en kvalitativ textanalys och med hjälp av analysverktyg hämtat från Fairclough analyserat texterna för att söka svar på våra frågeställningar. Resultat och analys struktureras genom att vi redovisat de olika roller vi funnit i texterna. Där är också citat uttaget från de båda styrdokumenten. Efter varje roll följer en analysdel. Resultatet visar att pedagogens roll i förhållande till barnen är att inspirera, vårda, lyssna på barnen, fostra, stödja/hjälpa, främja lärande samt stimulera och utmana. Dessa roller skrivs fram i båda styrdokumenten. Vi kan dock se att rollerna skrivs fram på olika sätt och där betoningen av omsorg och trygghet läggs vid i det Pedagogiska programmet för förskolan medan barns kognitiva utveckling fokuseras i Läroplanen för förskolan. I det Pedagogiska programmet för förskolan utgår man också från utvecklingspsykologiska teorier om barn där kunskap om barn är framträdande för att kunna möta barn på ett bra sätt och är till stor vikt i utformandet av förskolan. Vi har också sett en förskjutning från fokus på gruppen som helhet i det Pedagogiska programmet för förskolan till fokus på individen i Läroplanen för förskolan när det gäller kunskap och lärande. Resultatet visar vidare att det inte framträder någon entydig barnsyn i de olika texterna. Vi kan i de båda tyda en barnsyn med utgångspunkt i barns behov av vägledning och omsorg och en barnsyn med utgångspunkt i det aktiva barnet. Dock är barnsynen med utgångspunkt i det aktiva barnet mer framträdande i Läroplanen för förskolan och barnsynen med utgångspunkt i barns behov av vägledning och omsorg mer framträdande i det Pedagogiska programmet för förskolan.

Historically, due to the policy of Apartheid, the South African labour market was beset with inequality in access to education, skills, managerial and professional work. Labour practices were based on race and ethnicity instead of talent, creativity and endeavour. Today, most major organisations in South Africa are staking their future growth on equity in the workplace. With the introduction of the Employment Equity Act (No. 55 of 1998), employers have a responsibility to take proactive steps in eliminating unfair discrimination and to promote equity in the workplace, especially with regard to people from the previously disadvantaged groups, namely Africa, Indian and Coloured people, women and the disabled. The objective of this research is to critically evaluate how South African Financial Institutions have progressed in creating an employment structure based on equal opportunity and non-discrimination. This will be done using the ABSA Groups employment equity strategy as a case study. Employment Equity in South African organisations has become essential. The business community at large therefore faces a very realistic challenge in order to initiate appropriate strategic moves and accelerate the much-needed impetus for change. Organisations will have to identify and eliminate unfair and discriminatory policies and practices so as to comply with the Employment Equity Act. As difficult as this may be, it is crucial that organisations comply with the Act or else heavy penalties will be imposed for their transgressions. / Thesis (MBA)-University of Natal, Durban, 2003.

Bible institutes and colleges were originally established to train men and women for vocational Christian ministry, and many contemporary Bible colleges continue with that focus. In addition to practical ministry training, they seek to help students grow just as Jesus did: intellectually, physical, spiritually, and socially (Luke 2:52). But how effective are they at doing so? This qualitative interview study analyzed the epistemological development of Bible college students. I used the Perry Scheme as a model and research by John David Trentham as a theoretical lens to examine the relationship between pre-ministry undergraduates' attendance at selected Bible colleges and progression through the positions of intellectual maturity according to the Perry Scheme. Although the Perry Scheme is widely influential in higher educational philosophy and pedagogy, its pragmatic and relativistic assumptions present problems in the Bible college setting. The findings of this study are intended to move towards an alternative to wholehearted incorporation or unqualified rejection of the Perry Scheme by building upon the essential discoveries of the Perry Scheme within a Christian framework to construct a biblically-based, theologically-grounded, wisdom-centered evaluative model of epistemological college student development.

This thesis has focused on the rhetoric of polarization in the 1968 and 1972 Presidential campaigns as practiced by Governor George C, Wallace of Alabama The study has attempted to identify Wallace's major rhetorical problems in selected addresses in Ohio, Florida, and Michigan, The study focused on the major rhetorical strategies of subversion and purification that Wallace used to overcome his rhetorical problems and implement the rhetoric of polarization, Finally, the study attempted to evaluate the effectiveness of Wallace's rhetorical choices.

The aim of this thesis is to provide a theoretically informed account of the decision-making process in mega sports events policy in Marseille. This is intended to allow an evaluation of the major theoretical frameworks developed in the Anglo-Saxon literature on urban governance and their applicability to the French local government context, and more specifically to the context of sports policy in Marseille. Following an analysis of the development of the local political culture of Marseille, the thesis undertakes a review of theoretical frameworks developed in the urban policy literature identifying three major approaches / concepts which have dominated Anglo-Saxon literature, namely the growth coalition (Logan and Molotch 1987), policy network (Rhodes 1981; 1988), and urban regime (Stone 1989) approaches. These theoretical frameworks have been little used in French urban policy literature (Le Gales 1995; 2003) and feature rarely, if at all, in French sports policy literature. In reviewing this literature the thesis identifies a set of indicators, which may be used in empirical contexts to differentiate growth coalitions from policy networks and urban regimes. A major question for the research is thus to what extent Anglo-Saxon theoretical frameworks / concepts can be usefully employed to understand French decision-making and that of Marseille in particular. Subscribing to critical realism, the thesis aims to give an account of the mega sport event phenomena in Marseille, and of the actors' understanding and interpretation (in effect their social construction) of the phenomena. The data collected were documents for the period 1991 - 2003 from official sources (minutes and proceedings of local government and event-related bodies, reports, political speeches, and local government publications), local press coverage, and interviewees conducted with the major decision-makers. An ethnographic content analysis was made, partly employing a deductive approach based on the set of common indicators developed from the review of urban policy, and partly inductively from themes, which emerged in the analysis (Altheide 1996). The thesis concludes that while there is some evidence of the development of policy networks the specificity of the French context, and that of Marseille, with its heavily state-led approach to policy, means that the use of urban regime, and still less of growth coalition approaches, is not warranted by the evidence.

This dissertation analyzes the effects of the ILO’s 1998 Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, taking as a case study ILO’s promotion of freedom of association in Brazil. It suggests that the 1998 Declaration’s promotional approach offers mechanisms that have the capacity to change a country's behaviour. In the case of Brazil, this change would involve reform of a corporativist trade union law that violates the principle of freedom of association. The peculiarities of compliance with the freedom-of-association principle represent a significant challenge to the ILO, especially when a country lacks the political will to comply with the principle. This dissertation shows that the 1998 Declaration provides mechanisms − information, qualification of the bureaucracy and support of independent actors − that can be used in these situations even outside the scope of a cooperation program to reform the law and modify public policy.

In 1997 the Labour Party introduced the White Paper Rights Brought Home: The Human Rights Bill. Bringing rights home was considered necessary to significantly influence rights conception in the UK and internationally. Rights Brought Home argued that incorporation would allow human rights to become a more prominent feature of society. The Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) was brought into force with optimism and expectations. However, the war of terror has significantly impacted the way in which rights have been understood and appreciated. National security issues have clashed with Convention rights. There is mounting concern that British judges must blindly follow the rulings established by the European Court of Human Rights. There have been problems of public disengagement and hostility. The HRA is characterized by a story of failure. Understanding the relationship between the war on terror and the HRA is central to human rights development.

This dissertation analyzes the effects of the ILO’s 1998 Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, taking as a case study ILO’s promotion of freedom of association in Brazil. It suggests that the 1998 Declaration’s promotional approach offers mechanisms that have the capacity to change a country's behaviour. In the case of Brazil, this change would involve reform of a corporativist trade union law that violates the principle of freedom of association. The peculiarities of compliance with the freedom-of-association principle represent a significant challenge to the ILO, especially when a country lacks the political will to comply with the principle. This dissertation shows that the 1998 Declaration provides mechanisms − information, qualification of the bureaucracy and support of independent actors − that can be used in these situations even outside the scope of a cooperation program to reform the law and modify public policy.