Comparison of Selected Topics of Political Communication of political parties in the Czech Republic: Professionalization, Personalization, Negativeness ROZMAJZL, Lukáš. Srovnání vybraných jevů politické komunikace u politických stran v ČR: profesionalizace, personalizace a negativita. Praha: Univerzita Karlova v Praze, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky, 2011. 140 s. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Jan Křeček, Ph.D. This Diploma Thesis deals with three selected topics of political communication (Professionalization, Personalization, Negativeness) which are related to the transform of modern to postmodern political campaigns. Each of the topic is described on the theoretical base, then the historical development of using this technic by political parties is mentioned, and finally relevant criticism of this concept (related to the problems of the definition of the concept, or to the normative reflections on democratic political systém) is noticed. Comparative analysis of political communication made by Czech political parties in 2010 elections is made to identify the level of using each of three concepts mentioned above. The result is explicit that political parties in the Czech Republic differ one to another in using different technics of political communication towards...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:11:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jakson Ferreira de Alencar.pdf: 2580448 bytes, checksum: e9038b88d46575aa8389ef7a2ea05259 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-10 / The study describes and analyzes the Folha de S. Paulo newspaper coverage in the 2010 presidential elections and their counterparts in blogosphere sectors. Although it declares itself as neutral, impartial and pluralist, the newspaper made a clear, even if not taken, option party in the elections against Dilma Rousseff candidate and in favor of José Serra. Through field study conducted during the pre-campaign and the election campaign, the research shows this option, often performing without taking into account the actual newspaper Redaction Manual. At the same time, the negative issues for José Serra candidacy were silenced. Sporadically, candidate minor flaws were showed to maintain the newspaper impartially appearance, while more serious problems were hidden which could become news agenda. The starting point, described in the first chapter, it´s the newspaper episode publication of a statement attributed to the dictatorship military archives, which later it was descovered to be false, with crimes associated to Dilma Rousseff Minister correlated matters, which considered the counter-violence against the dictatorial regime as ―terrorism‖ and common crime. The newspaper positions, in this case, left no doubts as to its choice in partisan elections. It unfolds in a serious of other evidences occurred in the pre-campaign and the campaign, especially the huge amount of scandals and factoids associated with Rousseff application. The information provided by the newspaper are confronted with denials, analysis and counter-information carried under the so-called blogosphere out. The research contextualizes the 2010 year newspaper political option in its history and in the press history in the country and it concludes with an analysis of the role, the low quality journalistic and the Folha de S Paulo credibility loss in the studied period. The methodology combines a literature review and a field research, basing on the theory about Muniz Sodré facts narration and on theories about the scheduling and silencing themes by communication media (Gatekeeper, Agenda setting, Silence Spiral and Reality Social Construction) and on the information propagation strength (memes theory spreaded information minimum units, by Richard Dawkins), relying also on Vladimir Safatle reflection on cynical reason, this mask insincerity, hypocrisy and bad faith, leading the subjects to see as rational these social bonds subjectivity / A pesquisa descreve e analisa a cobertura do jornal Folha de S. Paulo nas eleições presidenciais de 2010 e seus contrapontos em setores da blogosfera. Embora se declare como neutro, imparcial e pluralista, o jornal fez uma evidente, mesmo que não assumida, opção partidária nas eleições, contra a candidata Dilma Rousseff e a favor de José Serra. Por meio de estudo de campo realizado no período da pré-campanha e da campanha eleitoral, a pesquisa demonstra essa opção, realizada muitas vezes sem levar em consideração o próprio Manual de Redação do jornal. Ao mesmo tempo, os temas negativos para a candidatura de José Serra eram silenciados. Esporadicamente, se mostravam pequenas falhas do candidato de modo a manter a aparência de imparcialidade do jornal, enquanto se ocultavam os problemas mais graves, que poderiam virar pauta jornalística. O ponto de partida, descrito no primeiro capítulo, é o episódio da publicação, no jornal, de uma ficha atribuída aos arquivos da ditadura militar, que depois foi descoberta como falsa, com crimes associados à então ministra Dilma Rousseff e matérias correlatas, que consideravam a contra-violência em relação ao regime ditatorial como ―terrorismo‖ e criminalidade comum. Os posicionamentos do jornal, nesse caso, não deixaram dúvidas quanto a sua opção partidária nas eleições. Isso se desdobra em uma série de outras evidências ocorridas na pré-campanha e na campanha, sobretudo a enorme quantidade de escândalos e factoides associados à candidatura de Dilma Rousseff. As informações fornecidas pelo jornal são confrontadas com desmentidos, análises e contra-informações realizadas no âmbito da chamada blogosfera. A pesquisa contextualiza a opção política do jornal em 2010 em sua história e na história da imprensa no país, e conclui-se com uma análise sobre o papel, a baixa qualidade jornalística e a perda de credibilidade da Folha de S. Paulo no período estudado. A metodologia combina revisão bibliográfica e pesquisa de campo, embasando-se na teoria sobre a narração dos fatos de Muniz Sodré e em teorias sobre o agendamento e silenciamento de temas pelos meios de comunicação (Gatekeeper, Agenda setting, Espiral do silêncio e Construção social da realidade) e sobre a força de propagação da informação (teoria dos memes ― unidades mínimas de informação propagáveis, de Richard Dawkins), apoiando-se também na reflexão de Vladimir Safatle sobre razão cínica, que mascara a insinceridade, a hipocrisia, a má-fé, levando os sujeitos a ver como racionais esses modos de subjetivação de vínculos sociais

Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.

Following the historic election of Barack Obama, the largest overhaul of the nation's health care system since the Great Society, and with the country still reeling from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, a group of disenchanted conservative Republicans and elected leaders wary of government policy gave rise to a new political movement - the Tea Party. Since taking the American political system by storm in 2010, considerable research has focused on the electoral consequences of the Tea Party. Using an original dataset and the American National Election Study, I study the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level by analyzing roll call votes, incumbency, and endorsements, and at the mass level through an examination of congressional districts and constituencies. Findings show that members of the Tea Party Caucus and their Republican House colleagues are largely homogeneous. Exceptions to this include economic final passage votes, legislation receiving presidential support, district lean, census region, and presidential vote in congressional districts. Furthermore, evidence is seen that economic factors in members' districts affected the election of freshmen representatives in 2010, and that district variables strongly influence legislative voting behavior. Finally, discontinuity is discovered between the Tea Party movement at the mass level and the Tea Party Caucus at the elite level.