La thèse étudie la nature des formes locales de gouvernance dans le domaine de la police ; elle porte sur le Comté de Kisii situé au sud-ouest de la Kenya. L’étude reconstitue l’histoire des groupes locaux de police opérant dans le Comté de Kisii entre 1990-2016, en mettant l’accent sur la nature, les modes de fonctionnement et l’interaction avec les processus juridiques et politiques. Elle examine les acteurs au niveau local, leurs activités quotidiennes et leurs relations avec l’Etat en cherchant à expliquer les trajectoires de police locale (la police de proximité et les groupes de vigilantes d’autodéfense) sous l’influence de dynamiques juridique et non juridique ; en particulier la place du droit dans la mise en application de la loi et son rôle dans la réforme des pratiques policières d’autodéfense (Vigilantes) et de la police de proximité communautaire. Les facteurs sociaux et politiques sont pris en considération dans la mesure où ils affectent le maintien de l’ordre, les pratiques et les résultats, l’amélioration de la gouvernance. Ces facteurs sont mis en contexte en raison de grands changements suite aux réformes constitutionnelles. Pour ce faire, la recherche s’est appuyée sur des méthodes qualitatives d’enquête, principalement l’utilisation des entrevues et sur des sources primaires et secondaires pertinentes, sur une bibliographie, des lois et des recueils de jurisprudence. L’étude révèle des gains, une plus large participation et une « inclusivité » dans les mécanismes de gouvernance locale en comparaison avec les stratégies policières préexistantes pratiquées par la police et les groupes d’autodéfense, qui reposaient sur une participation communautaire minimale. Si l’usage accru du Droit associé au développement de formes nuancées de la police communautaire, reste minime pour l’Etat, les changements sont plutôt attribuables à des usages quotidiens dynamiques du droit et l’action sociale par les membres des communautés dans le cadre de mécanismes de gouvernance locaux désireux d’accroître et d’améliorer le potentiel et les relations État-société. L’étude conclut que malgré un certain nombre de changements dans la lutte contre la criminalité non violente, la transition n’a pas été sans faille : les améliorations dans les relations État-société et dans un meilleur respect sociétal du droit sont compromises par des épisodes de recours à la force, par des asymétries dans la coopération entre l’administration locale et la Communauté, et suite à un soutien inadéquat à la police communautaire et à ses supports culturels. (Gouvernance, police communautaire, groupe vigilante, Kisii, Kenya). / The thesis entails the study of the changing nature of local forms of governance in Kisii County situated in south-western Kenya. The study entails situating the histories of local policing groups operating in Kisii County between 1990-2016, focusing on the nature, modes of operation and interaction with legal and political processes. It examines actors at the societal level, their everyday activities and their relationship with the state in seeking to explain local policing (community policing and vigilante) trajectories as influenced by legal and non-legal dynamics. It examines the place of law in determining the nature of non-state enforcement of law and order and the extent to which it has played a role in reforming policing practices from vigilantism to community policing in Kisii County. It also examines social and political factors, how they affect policing practices and outcomes with an objective of advancing alternatives for better representations of the function of law and for purposes of improving governance. These factors are contextualized within the broad changes in the macro governance structure catalyzed by constitutional reforms. The study undertakes such examination through the use of qualitative methods of inquiry primarily the use of interviews and also review of relevant primary and secondary sources including books, scholarly journals, legislation and law reports. The study reveals that generally there are gains on wider participation and inclusivity in local governance mechanisms compared to pre-existing policing strategies as practiced by police and vigilante which had minimal community involvement. The increased instrumentalization of law by the state has made little contribution to the gains associated with the development of nuanced forms of community policing. Rather the changes in policing are attributable to dynamic everyday uses of law and societal action by community members in joint local governance mechanisms hence increasing the potential for better state-society relations. The study concludes that notwithstanding a number of changes towards non-violent crime fighting, the transition has not been seamless as gains on state-society relations and improved societal adherence to law are compromised by episodes of use of force, asymmetries in the co-operation between the local government administration and the community, inadequate support for community policing and existing cultural constructs on governance. (gouvernance, local policing group, vigilante, community policing, Kissi Kenya).

Ce travail se propose de revenir sur l'intervention de Louis Althusser dans le champ de la théorisation sociale et politique. Il a été motivé par la conviction qu'aujourd'hui Althusser, bien que chronologiquement proche de nous, est oublié, voire refoulé : ainsi, son objectif aura été à la fois de restituer, par l'examen des sources publiées (aussi bien du vivant de l'auteur qu'après sa mort) et de documents inédits du fonds de l'IMEC, la théorie ou l'esquisse de théorisation althussérienne de l'État et de mesurer un « effet-Althusser » sur la conjoncture philosophique française des années 1970 et suivantes (auprès de ses collaborateurs fidèles, comme Balibar, et dans une moindre mesure, Poulantzas, ou infidèles, comme Rancière ou Badiou, aussi bien qu'auprès de ses ennemis « intimes » Foucault et Bourdieu). Le résultat de cette enquête sur la théorisation althussérienne de la politique et de l'État a révélé une tension insurmontable en son sein : la politique y est écartelée entre deux modes d'existence distincts et, à la limite, incompatibles, entre, d'un côté, la thèse d'une régulation continue de la conflictualité sociale par l'État, et d'un autre côté, la thèse d'une alternative radicale incarnée par un hypothétique, nécessaire et improbable « parti hors-État ». / The dissertation is a study of Althusser's contribution to social and political theory. Indeed, although chronologically close to us, Althusser is often forgotten, if not repressed. By examining published sources (including Althusser's posthumous works) and unpublished documents from the IMEC library, this study tries to re-establish the Althusserian theory of the state - or the basic premises of a theory -, and to assess a possible "Althusser-effect" on French philosophy from the 1970s on, in the works of his faithful disciples such as Balibar, and, to a certain extent, Poulantzas, and unfaithful ones like Rancière or Badiou, as well as in the philosophical output of his most "intimate" enemies, Foucault and Bourdieu). There appears to be an insuperable tension at the core of the Althusserian theory of Politics and State. His view on politics is tom between two separate - if not incompatible - modes of existence; on the one hand, the idea of a continuous regulation of social conflict by the State, and on the other hand, the idea of a radical alternative epitomized by a hypothetical, necessary and improbable "out-of-the-State Party".

Concept forgé par le Commissariat Général du Plan au début des années 1990 autour de la redéfinition de l'intérêt général, le thème de I'«État stratège» a émergé dans l'espace public afin d'apporter une réponse adaptée à la crise de l’État planificateur. Dès lors, l'interrogation sur le nouveau rôle de l’État dans l'économie se pose. Confronté à un univers hyper concurrentiel et aux impératifs de la nouvelle gestion publique, l’État est appelé à être davantage partenaire et stratège que providentiel. Cette présente thèse a donc pour ambition d'étudier les implications juridiques et administratives de la thématique de l’État stratège. L'étude comprend trois parties. En premier lieu, l'accent sera mis sur la nouvelle conception du rôle de l’État. En deuxième lieu, on évoquera le renouveau du procédé contractuel dans l'action publique. Enfin, on insistera sur l'impact du thème sur les principes d'organisation de l’État. Tels sont donc les enjeux de cette recherche. Au final, si la formule de l’État stratège privilégie davantage de souplesse, d'efficacité et la recherche d'un appareil étatique plus resserré, plus recentré et adossé sur un personnel réduit, mobilisant le droit souple au côté du droit classique, force est de constater que les structures nouvellement créées n'ont pas remplacé l'administration existante. Bien au contraire, tous ces éléments cohabitent. Une telle situation est tout à fait inédite et singulière dans la vie de l’État au 21e siècle. / The concept was introduced by the French General Plan Commission in the early 1990s over the redefinition of public interest. The subject of "strategic state" emerged into the public space to bring an adequate response to the crisis of the planning state. Therefore, the question about the new role of the state in the new economy arises. The state must now be more of a partner and more strategic than providential, in this highly competitive environment and with the demands of new public management. Our main objective, in this thesis, is to pinpoint the legal and administrative implications of the subject of strategic state. We will firstly emphasize on the new conception of the role of the state. Secondly, we will touch upon the renewal of the contractual procedures in the public action. And, in a final part, we will analyse the impact that this concept has had on the state's organizational principles. Those will be the three main points dealt with throughout this research. Ali in all, the renewal structures have not taken over the current administration. On the contrary, they coexist, side by side, in a quest for a tighter, more refocused government apparatus, with less staff than ever. Moreover there seems to be more flexibility and a further quest for performance in the concept of a strategic state. This situation is unheard of-in the life of the state in the-21st century as it brings together soft and traditional-law.

This thesis is a critical inquiry into the response to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 by Christians and Muslims. Structured around the thesis that Muslims resisted the genocide better than Christians, it explores the historical, cultural, political and theological causes that motivated and explain the actions of both faith communities in the face of genocide. The first chapter offers a critique of the dominant colonial perspective from which the topic of religion and genocide has been studied so far. It presents pre-colonial Rwandans as evolving in a complex spiritual universe, Gakondo, where religion, morality and politics were closely linked. The rise of a centralised state and sacred monarchy resulted in the theological marginalisation of the Rwandan divinity Imana and the deformation of the political conscience of the Rwanda subject. The second and the third chapter deal respectively with the beginnings of Christianity and Islam in Rwanda within the context of colonization. They show the genealogy of Christianity’s political ambivalence and Islam’s marginalisation, both which played an important role in the genocide of 1994. One significant contribution of the second chapter is to problematise the epistemological confusion between Rwandan Christianity and Roman Catholicism. Chapter four suggests a framework for the understanding of ‘Rwanda 94’ as an instance of evil. It offers a critique of the epistemic hijacking that characterises research in the Rwandan events. The chapter argues for a historical and naturalistic approach to the study of ‘Rwanda 94’, which should be qualified as ‘autocide’ instead of genocide because of the intimacy between victims and perpetrators. Chapter five and six tackle the thesis that Muslims resisted the genocide better than Christians. Examination of the factual data and revisionist discourses in post-genocide Rwanda lead to the conclusion that the imputation of success to Islam and failure to Christianity is operated by virtue of expectations on both faith communities. More specifically, chapter six provides a theological reading of Christianity’s shortcomings as sin. Chapter seven addresses the paradoxical phenomenon of religious blossoming in post-genocide Rwanda and argues that it is faith-based resistance to genocide shown by many Muslims and individual Christians which made ‘God-talk’ possible and ensured the survival of institutional religion. Chapter eight gives a summary and critique of the process of reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda. It argues that Islam and Christianity need to develop an alternative model of reconciliation that challenges and moralises the State-engineered politics of reconciliation.

Text in Afrikaans / Die basiese tese voortspruitend uit hierdie ondersoek is dat wetenskapsbeoefening binne bepaalde terreine van die regswetenskap ondemeem word ooreenkomstig 'n verswee staatlike paradigma wat deurlopend streef na die instandhouding van die politieke status quo. Die territoriale staat is die hoeksteen van die bestaande politieke orde en terselfdertyd die meester-konsep van die staatlike paradigma. Wetenskapsbeoefening volgens hierdie paradigma is gemik op die instandhouding van die territoriale staat en funksioneer dus as 'n defensief-konserwatiewe politieke projek. Uitsluitsel oor welke vrae en antwoorde as wetenskaplik ter sake kwalifiseer, word gegee aan die hand van die behoeftes van die bestaande territoriaalstaatlike orde. Antwoorde kwalifiseer as wetenskaplik houdbaar alleenlik indien dit met die belange van die bestaande territoriale staat vereenselwigbaar is en nie die staatlike status quo sal ontwrig nie. Intellektuele aktiwiteit wat nie die staatlike gebaseerde status quo ter wille is nie en dit moontlik mag ontwrig, haal in terme van hierdie paradigma moeilik die drumpel van wetenskaplikheid. In die ondersoek word die vestiging van die staatlike paradigma histories nagegaan en daama word die hoofmomente van die paradigma blootgele. Die belangrikste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening kragtens die staatlike paradigma word daama uitgepluis. Benewens die feit dat die produkte deurlopend die staatlike orde onderskraag, vervul dit ook die strategiese funksie om uitdagers van die staatlike orde te domestiseer en in die diens van die staatlike orde te plaas. Die prominentste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening volgens die staatlike paradigma word ontleed: - staatsbou, dikwels verkeerdelik voorgehou as nasiebou; - demokrasie wat onderhewig aan die dissipline van die staatlike paradigma tot staatlike demokrasie omvorm is; - menseregte wat burgerlike afhanklikheid van die staat bevorder en die staat sodoende teen opposisie vrywaar; - die misdaad, hoogverraad en die intemasionaalregtelike figuur van selfbeskikking wat deur die staatlike paradigma tot 'n staatsdienende staatlike selfbeskikking omvorm is. Die staatlike paradigma word egter onder toenemende spanning geplaas en daar bestaan die moontlikheid van 'n rewolusionere herwaardering van verskeie sleutel-konsepte wat deur die staatlike paradigma gevange gehou en in diens van die bestaande staatlike status quo gedomestiseer is. Die rewolusionere vrystel van hierdie konsepte kan die weg baan na 'n nuwe politokrasie anderkant die staatlike orde. / The basic thesis emanating from this research holds that scientific enterprises within certain fields of the legal science are undertaken in pursuance of a tacit statist paradigm which consistently preserve the political status quo. The territorial state is both the keystone of the existing political order and the master concept of the statist paradigm. Scientific activity according to this paradigm seeks to protect the territorial state and functions as a defensive conservative political project. The scientific relevance of questions and answers is determined by the exigencies of the existing order composed of territorial states. Answers are viewed as scientifically authentic only if they are compatible with the interests of the prevailing territorial state and when they do not pose a threat of disruption to the existing statist status quo. Intellectual activity that does not affirm the statist predicated status quo and which poses the risk of disruption of the this order would seldom qualify as scientific in terms of this paradigm. This study examines the historical establishment of the statist paradigm and debunks the main pillars of the paradigm. The foremost products of scientific activity in accordance with the statist paradigm are then analyzed. These products invariably safeguard the statist order and also succeed in domesticating the challengers of the statist order and placing them in the service of this order. The most outstanding developments of the scientific endeavour in pursuance of the statist paradigm are analyzed, which are: - state building, often inaccurately portrayed as nation building; -democracy which, subjected to the discipline of the statist paradigm, had been transformed into statist democracy; - human rights which cultivate civic dependence upon the state, thus safeguarding the state against opposition; -the crime ofhigh treason and the international law concept of self-determination which was transfigured by the statist paradigm into a state serving statist self-determination. The statist paradigm is however placed under increasing tension and there is a possibility of a revolutionary reappraisal of several key concepts which the statist paradigm has kept in captivity and which have been domesticated and placed in the service of the statist status quo. By releasing these revolutionary concepts, the way to a new politocracy, beyond the statist order, may be paved. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.

Text in Afrikaans / Die basiese tese voortspruitend uit hierdie ondersoek is dat wetenskapsbeoefening binne bepaalde terreine van die regswetenskap ondemeem word ooreenkomstig 'n verswee staatlike paradigma wat deurlopend streef na die instandhouding van die politieke status quo. Die territoriale staat is die hoeksteen van die bestaande politieke orde en terselfdertyd die meester-konsep van die staatlike paradigma. Wetenskapsbeoefening volgens hierdie paradigma is gemik op die instandhouding van die territoriale staat en funksioneer dus as 'n defensief-konserwatiewe politieke projek. Uitsluitsel oor welke vrae en antwoorde as wetenskaplik ter sake kwalifiseer, word gegee aan die hand van die behoeftes van die bestaande territoriaalstaatlike orde. Antwoorde kwalifiseer as wetenskaplik houdbaar alleenlik indien dit met die belange van die bestaande territoriale staat vereenselwigbaar is en nie die staatlike status quo sal ontwrig nie. Intellektuele aktiwiteit wat nie die staatlike gebaseerde status quo ter wille is nie en dit moontlik mag ontwrig, haal in terme van hierdie paradigma moeilik die drumpel van wetenskaplikheid. In die ondersoek word die vestiging van die staatlike paradigma histories nagegaan en daama word die hoofmomente van die paradigma blootgele. Die belangrikste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening kragtens die staatlike paradigma word daama uitgepluis. Benewens die feit dat die produkte deurlopend die staatlike orde onderskraag, vervul dit ook die strategiese funksie om uitdagers van die staatlike orde te domestiseer en in die diens van die staatlike orde te plaas. Die prominentste produkte van wetenskapsbeoefening volgens die staatlike paradigma word ontleed: - staatsbou, dikwels verkeerdelik voorgehou as nasiebou; - demokrasie wat onderhewig aan die dissipline van die staatlike paradigma tot staatlike demokrasie omvorm is; - menseregte wat burgerlike afhanklikheid van die staat bevorder en die staat sodoende teen opposisie vrywaar; - die misdaad, hoogverraad en die intemasionaalregtelike figuur van selfbeskikking wat deur die staatlike paradigma tot 'n staatsdienende staatlike selfbeskikking omvorm is. Die staatlike paradigma word egter onder toenemende spanning geplaas en daar bestaan die moontlikheid van 'n rewolusionere herwaardering van verskeie sleutel-konsepte wat deur die staatlike paradigma gevange gehou en in diens van die bestaande staatlike status quo gedomestiseer is. Die rewolusionere vrystel van hierdie konsepte kan die weg baan na 'n nuwe politokrasie anderkant die staatlike orde. / The basic thesis emanating from this research holds that scientific enterprises within certain fields of the legal science are undertaken in pursuance of a tacit statist paradigm which consistently preserve the political status quo. The territorial state is both the keystone of the existing political order and the master concept of the statist paradigm. Scientific activity according to this paradigm seeks to protect the territorial state and functions as a defensive conservative political project. The scientific relevance of questions and answers is determined by the exigencies of the existing order composed of territorial states. Answers are viewed as scientifically authentic only if they are compatible with the interests of the prevailing territorial state and when they do not pose a threat of disruption to the existing statist status quo. Intellectual activity that does not affirm the statist predicated status quo and which poses the risk of disruption of the this order would seldom qualify as scientific in terms of this paradigm. This study examines the historical establishment of the statist paradigm and debunks the main pillars of the paradigm. The foremost products of scientific activity in accordance with the statist paradigm are then analyzed. These products invariably safeguard the statist order and also succeed in domesticating the challengers of the statist order and placing them in the service of this order. The most outstanding developments of the scientific endeavour in pursuance of the statist paradigm are analyzed, which are: - state building, often inaccurately portrayed as nation building; -democracy which, subjected to the discipline of the statist paradigm, had been transformed into statist democracy; - human rights which cultivate civic dependence upon the state, thus safeguarding the state against opposition; -the crime ofhigh treason and the international law concept of self-determination which was transfigured by the statist paradigm into a state serving statist self-determination. The statist paradigm is however placed under increasing tension and there is a possibility of a revolutionary reappraisal of several key concepts which the statist paradigm has kept in captivity and which have been domesticated and placed in the service of the statist status quo. By releasing these revolutionary concepts, the way to a new politocracy, beyond the statist order, may be paved. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.