Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T15:06:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disseracao renan.pdf: 638334 bytes, checksum: db2f889219ce0a7b6e1d1bcefc5cce27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-28 / Louis Althusser analyzed the relationship between Economy and the State. According to him, the capitalist State is nothing more than a superstructure determined, unidirectionally, by the Economy, given that, within the mentioned relationship, in capitalism, there is a bottom-line determination [of the State] by the economic basis . (Althusser, 1968: 75) Althusser considers that the conception that the Economy determines the State clarifies and explains better Marx‟s analysis. Nevertheless, this position puts forward at least two important questions: is there, in fact, an unidirectional determination of the modern Economy upon the capitalist State in Marx‟s thought? Is the Economy, in fact, for Marx, the only category that constitutes the basis of the capitalist system as it is supposed by the Althusserian interpretation of Marx? In an effort to solve those questions, it is necessary to investigate the theoretical basis from which Althusser departed Marx‟s own writings. Only in this way it will be possible to determine whether or not his formulation of this unidirectional determination between the Economy and the State holds. / A relação entre economia e Estado foi analisada pelo filósofo francês Louis Althusser. Na perspectiva de Althusser, o Estado capitalista nada mais é do que uma superestrutura determinada unidirecionalmente pela economia, uma vez que, na relação entre Estado e economia no capitalismo, ocorre a determinação em última instância pela base econômica . (Althusser, 1968: 75, tradução nossa).1 Althusser considera que sua concepção de que a economia determina o Estado torna mais evidente e explana melhor a análise de Karl Marx. Essa posição de Louis Althusser suscita, no mínimo, duas questões importantes: há de fato uma determinação unidirecional da economia moderna sobre o Estado capitalista no pensamento do filósofo alemão Karl Marx? É, de fato, para Marx, a economia é a única categoria que compõe a base do sistema capitalista, como supõe a leitura de Louis Althusser sobre Marx? No esforço de resolver essas questões, é necessário investigar a base teórica da qual partiu Althusser, ou seja, os escritos do próprio Marx. Só assim será possível identificar em que sentido Althusser contribuiu ou não ao propor sua formulação acerca da relação que ele pensa ser determinação unidirecional entre economia e Estado em Marx.

(anglicky): Michel Foucault can be hardly described as a convinced marxist, but at the same time, marxism serves as an implicit referential framework in his works against which he shapes his own approach. Nowhere is this ambiguous relation more discernible than in the case of Foucault's former teacher, a marxist theoretician Louis Althusser, with whom he also shares a certain connection with the tradition of french historical epistemology. His revision of marxist theory often displays a curious affinity to Foucault's theoretical projects which are always beyond the limits of marxism. The subject of this thesis will be a reconstruction of the relationship of Michel Foucault towards marxism through his - often hidden - interaction with Althusser's theory. In the first part, I will focus on the period of 1960s during which both authors from anti-humanist and almost structuralist positions reflected questions of epistemology or the position of subject in history. Afterwards both authors move issues such as constitution of subject, power and the marxist conception of ideology, which they either revise (Althusser) or fully abandon (Foucault). In the final part I will focus on the questions of politics and on strategies which are in the cases of both authors provoked by the political changes of their...

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Ce travail se propose de revenir sur l'intervention de Louis Althusser dans le champ de la théorisation sociale et politique. Il a été motivé par la conviction qu'aujourd'hui Althusser, bien que chronologiquement proche de nous, est oublié, voire refoulé : ainsi, son objectif aura été à la fois de restituer, par l'examen des sources publiées (aussi bien du vivant de l'auteur qu'après sa mort) et de documents inédits du fonds de l'IMEC, la théorie ou l'esquisse de théorisation althussérienne de l'État et de mesurer un « effet-Althusser » sur la conjoncture philosophique française des années 1970 et suivantes (auprès de ses collaborateurs fidèles, comme Balibar, et dans une moindre mesure, Poulantzas, ou infidèles, comme Rancière ou Badiou, aussi bien qu'auprès de ses ennemis « intimes » Foucault et Bourdieu). Le résultat de cette enquête sur la théorisation althussérienne de la politique et de l'État a révélé une tension insurmontable en son sein : la politique y est écartelée entre deux modes d'existence distincts et, à la limite, incompatibles, entre, d'un côté, la thèse d'une régulation continue de la conflictualité sociale par l'État, et d'un autre côté, la thèse d'une alternative radicale incarnée par un hypothétique, nécessaire et improbable « parti hors-État ». / The dissertation is a study of Althusser's contribution to social and political theory. Indeed, although chronologically close to us, Althusser is often forgotten, if not repressed. By examining published sources (including Althusser's posthumous works) and unpublished documents from the IMEC library, this study tries to re-establish the Althusserian theory of the state - or the basic premises of a theory -, and to assess a possible "Althusser-effect" on French philosophy from the 1970s on, in the works of his faithful disciples such as Balibar, and, to a certain extent, Poulantzas, and unfaithful ones like Rancière or Badiou, as well as in the philosophical output of his most "intimate" enemies, Foucault and Bourdieu). There appears to be an insuperable tension at the core of the Althusserian theory of Politics and State. His view on politics is tom between two separate - if not incompatible - modes of existence; on the one hand, the idea of a continuous regulation of social conflict by the State, and on the other hand, the idea of a radical alternative epitomized by a hypothetical, necessary and improbable "out-of-the-State Party".

Gigekonomin är ett växande fenomen på den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Gigarbete har både hyllats som en möjlighet att komma in på arbetsmarknaden och kritiserats för sin prekära natur. I den här studien undersöks den sociala konstruktionen av gigarbetare utifrån ett ideologiskt perspektiv. Den empiriska basen är intervjuer med sex gigarbetande matbud. Studiens övergripande argument är att gigföretagens nyliberala strukturer driver fram exploaterande relationer på arbetsmarknaden, samt att genusassociationer och ond optimism används för att kamouflera dessa exploaterande relationer. Tidigare forskning har lagt vikt vid att synliggöra hur femininitet används för att driva fram den nyliberala utvecklingen, men mindre uppmärksamhet har givits till maskulinitet. Den här studien illustrerar hur maskulinitet används för att interpellera gigarbetarna genom associationer till frihet och entreprenörskap. Därtill skildras hur ond optimism – en falsk förhoppning om uppåtgående social mobilitet – bidrar till att locka gigarbetarna att kontinuerligt eftersträva otillgängliga ideologiska drömmar. Vidare behandlas även socialt motstånd till gigekonomin och ideologi. Det teoretiska ramverket vilar på Althussers begrepp ideologi och interpellation. Ett begreppsligt bidrag i studien är formuleringen av dubbelbindande interpellation. Begreppet avser interpellationer som har en dubbelbindande natur, det vill säga situationer där individer anropas på motstridiga vis, exempelvis hur gigarbetare omväxlande tilltalas som servicearbetare och entreprenörer, vilket orsakar osäkerhet och väcker frågan: Vem är jag för er? Genom att undersöka och identifiera ideologiska konstruktioner av arbetare kan framväxande orättvisor och ojämlikheter på arbetsmarknaden belysas ur förbisedda perspektiv. / The gig economy is a growing phenomenon in the Swedish labor market. Gig work has been hailed as an opportunity to enter the labor market, but it has also been criticized for its precarious nature. This study examines the social construction of gig workers from an ideological perspective. Interviews with six food delivery workers form the empirical basis. The overall argument of the study is that the neoliberal structure of the gig companies propels exploitative relations in the labor market, and that gender associations and cruel optimism are used to camouflage these exploitative relations. Previous research has emphasized the importance of femininity in propelling the neoliberal development, but less attention has been given to masculinity. This study illustrates how masculinity is used to interpellate the gig workers through associations to freedom and entrepreneurship. In addition, it depicts how cruel optimism – a false hope of upward social mobility – contributes to attracting the gig workers to continuously pursue inaccessible ideological dreams. Moreover, social resistance is discussed in relation to the gig economy and ideology. The theoretical framework rests on Althusser's concepts of ideology and interpellation. A conceptual contribution in the study is double-binding interpellation. The concept refers to interpellations that have a double-binding nature, meaning situations where individuals are interpellated in contradictory ways. The food delivery workers are exposed to a double-binding interpellation when they are alternately interpellated as service workers and entrepreneurs, which causes uncertainty and raises the question: Who am I to you? By examining and identifying ideological constructions of workers, emerging injustices and inequalities in the labor market can be highlighted from overlooked perspectives.

This essay discusses the representation of Victorian ideologies and interpellation in Robert Louis Stevenson’s Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. By utilising Louis Althusser’s theories of ideology and interpellation, in combination with a critical understanding of Victorian ideologies as introduced by Rosemary Jann and Jihay Park, this essay aims to analyse the characters’ representation of and submission versus the resistance to these ideologies. Additionally, by analysing whether the characters conform to the Victorian ideologies, introduced by Jann and Park, this essay proposes that non-conformity to ruling ideologies suggests resistance to interpellation, which is what constitutes a bad subject. This analysis lends itself to the discussion of how Althusser’s theories may be used in literary analyses, as well as to the discussion, initiated by Judith Butler, of whether an individual’s deviation from interpellation is possible. This essay argues that Dr. Henry Jekyll and Mr. Gabriel Utterson represent ideological functions by conforming to the Victorian ideologies, which constitute them as submitting to interpellation as good subjects. However, Mr. Edward Hyde’s non-conformity to Victorian ideologies constitutes him as resisting interpellation as a bad subject.

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Sociological explanations for human conduct usually place major ontological and epistemological emphasis upon either discursive or material relations without ever establishing or adequately specifying the validity of this dichotomy. Early texts by the Critical Realist philosopher Roy Bhaskar address this forced separation by creating an integrated ontological and epistemological field that provides a more detailed and precise theoretical ordering to agents, objects, and entities. Undertaking a developmental critique of Bhaskar’s arguments, this thesis extends Critical Realism’s role as theoretical ‘underlabourer’ and creates an expanded theoretical framework that balances discursive and material accounts. Utilising the sophisticated analyses of the structure and operation of discourses found in the work of Michel Foucault alongside the innovative arguments for aleatory materialism developed by Louis Althusser, a critique is established that shows discursive, material, and social relations to be complex, immanent, and, importantly, mutually constitutive. In each theory three core concepts of events, emergence, and the extra-discursive are shown to not only be present but also to operate as the main means of explaining social change. The result of integrating Critical Realism, Foucault, and Althusser in this sympathetic but non-syncretic form is the generation of a non-reductionist materialism combined with discursive relations. On this basis, social change is shown to be the result of restructured discursive and material relations of which human agents are only one part. The thesis provides an illustration of the theoretical argument with an empirical component which examines the formation and decline of the British nuclear industry between its inception in the early 1950s to the year 2000. The conclusion is that the form taken by nuclear energy is not entirely determined by any single one of political, economic, or scientific forces but is, instead, the product of multiple and complex interactions of immanent discursive and material relations that are, importantly, mutually reinforcing. / Thesis (Ph.D, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-27 12:38:25.909