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Although many anthropologists have studied transnational groups, few consider the way in which social organisation takes place in globalising environments. An examination of the use of symbols of Germanness and cosmopolitanism in the selfpresentation of German businesspeople in London suggests that, in doing so, they are not defining themselves as a solidary group so much as they are engaging in complex negotiations between global and local social entities. Combining Anthony Cohen's theory of the symbolic construction of groups (1985) with Erving Goffman's of strategic self-presentation (1956), I begin by examining Sklair' s (2001) hypothesis that transnational businesspeople form a detached, globalised, solidary "transnational capitalist class." I then consider the ways in which symbols are actually used in transnational business, through a case study focusing around the London branches of two German banks, the Head Office of one of them, and German-focused institutions in the UK. My analysis reveals that not only is transnational businesspeople' s use of symbols more complex than the construction of a single social group, they also use the multivalency of symbols to shift their selfpresentations and affiliations in response to the activities of other actors. I conclude by postulating a new way of looking at transnational social formations, incorporating Sklair's theory, Castells' "Network Society" ( 1996) and Appadurai's "Global Landscapes": the Transnational Capitalist Society model (TCS). This is a theoretical construct comprising all actors engaging in business activity across borders at any given time; it also includes the links between transnational social formations, and local entities inasmuch as they engage in transnational capitalism. An examination of the symbolic self-presentation of German transnational businesspeople thus suggests that, not only are they not a solidary, detached "class," but the complex, shifting nature of their interactions points to the need for a more diffuse, multiply engaged model for considering transnational social formations.

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中國共產黨（以下簡稱中共）於一九二一年七月在上海成立，並召開第一次全國代表大會，會中通過「中國共產黨的第一個綱領」，綱領中提出：「黨的奮鬥目標是領導無產階級和勞動群眾，實行澈底的社會革命，推翻資產階級的政權，建立無產階級專政，消滅資本主義所有制，消滅階級，實現共產主義…」；並明確宣告：「中共是以共產主義為目的，以馬克斯列寧主義（以下簡稱馬列主義）為行動指南，統一的工人階級政黨，是中國無產階級的戰鬥司令部…」， 足見中共成立之始，是為了消滅資本主義、反對資本家，堅持馬列主義的政黨。 二00一年七月一日在慶祝中共成立八十週年大會上，中共國家主席江澤民提出「三個代表」（中共「代表中國先進社會生產力的發展要求，代表中國先進文化前進方向，代表著中國最廣大人民的根本利益」），將私營企業主、民營企業創業人員、受聘於外資企業的管理技術人員、個體戶及自由職業人員等社會階層，與工、農、知識分子、幹部與解放軍同列為有中國特色社會主義的建設者，並將前述社會階層吸收到共產黨。 以「不斷增強黨的階級基礎和擴大黨的群眾基礎，提高黨對社會影響。」， 而在二００二年十一月中共十六大中，通過修改中共黨章決議將「三個代表」納入中共黨章，並表明中共除了是工人階級的先鋒隊外，「同時是中國人民和中華民族的先鋒隊」，在十六大後將有步驟地接納符合黨章規定的私營企業主加入中共。 並於二００四年三月十四日中共第十屆人大會二次議中通過憲法修正案，將「三個代表重要思想」與馬列主義、毛澤東思想、鄧小平理論並列，對大陸政治具有指導性地位，保障公民合法之私有財產、保障人權。 中共總理溫家寶更表示：「將認真地付之實行」。 中共－這個在創建時期，標榜著強烈反對資本主義、反對資本家的無產階級政黨，竟然在其建黨八十年後，明確地敞開雙臂擁抱過去一直視為其鬥爭標靶的資本家！此次開放資本家入黨，對這個強調馬列主義與無產階級專政意識型態的政黨而言，在中共的意識型態上的轉變實具關鍵性。 舒爾曼（Franz Schurmann）在「共產中國的意識型態與組織」書中，認為除了個人與階級外，還有組織層面的意識型態，指的是「以行動結果為導向的思想體系，其目的在於成立或者運用組織」。意即舒氏將意識型態分為：純意識型態，與實際意識型態，前者給予一整體而明晰的世界觀，後者提供個人行動以合理的工具性價值。 意識型態的變化，不僅影響人民的行為，也影響黨政幹部的行為。 此係因意識型態的結構可分為兩部分，其一為所謂核心（Core）部分，二為環繞核心外圍實踐性（Practical）部分。核心部分內容主要包含一套世界觀、歷史觀，以及用來支撐前述觀點的方法論，或由此世界觀、歷史觀延伸出來的價值觀。實踐性的部分主要提供一套引導人們去認知、判斷週遭世界的認知圖和評估圖，以及由此所延伸出來引導人實踐行動的戰略和策略設計。簡言之，核心部分主要為影響人之價值理性運作，實踐部分則影響人的策略理性的運作，指導人的實際行動。 故一個政黨或國家之意識型態的轉變將影響其在實際執行面上的政治、經濟體制等的變化。而中共的轉變與否更影響著兩岸關係的發展與兩岸人民的福祉。因此，有關「中共對資產階級地位之研究」這議題，筆著以為實有詳加瞭解與探討之必要與其研究價值，進而探討中共開放資階入黨背景,目的,影響等,進而頗析中共是否變遷與變化,及對兩岸之影響。

This thesis asks how neoliberal enclavisation produces precarity. It focuses on eight months of fieldwork on large-scale dispossession of rural and peri-urban populations caused by the coal mining enclave in Tete, Mozambique, and my interpretation of Judith Butler's work on precarity, Henri Lefebvre's conceptualisation of the production of capitalist social space and Jacque Ranciere's understanding of politics. Bringing theory and empirical research together, I construct an original theoretical approach to explore how precarity as a condition of life, as well as the (im)possibility of politics, is constituted by contemporary capitalist expansion in Mozambique. I explore how precarity is produced through the interplay of structural, symbolic and direct violence of contemporary capitalist expansion, such as the coal mining enclave and resettlement sites inhabited by the dispossessed populations, in Tete. These processes of precarisation, I argue, result in the non-politics of abandonment that, whilst enabling life to be lived on precarious terms at the margins of the neoliberal mining enclave, does not openly challenge and only unwillingly reinforces the socio-material order of the neoliberal enclave. I demonstrate how this dynamic reconstitutes the precarity created by the violence of the neoliberal enclave and overshadows possibly different and progressively anti-neoliberal imaginaries of life and space in Tete. I conclude that these dynamics of precarity disactivate the possibility of transformative politics, and thus sustain and stabilise global capitalist expansion in Tete, and Mozambique more broadly. This reading of precarity makes several contributions to the literatures on the politics of precarity. It explores the condition of precarity outside the usual empirical and analytical focus of labour relations in the Global North, as well as developing a spatial reading of precarity. The thesis also challenges these, as well as broader literatures on agency in the context of structural inequalities and opportunities in Sub-Saharan Africa, for overestimating possibilities of resistance in situations characterised by extreme precarity. Finally, the thesis contributes to the literature on contemporary neoliberal capitalist expansion in Sub-Saharan Africa by demonstrating how neoliberal enclaves result in human suffering outside of their own exclusionary spaces of accumulation.

This project adopts the framework of World Systems Analysis [WSA], formulated by global sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein, to take the entire world system as the unit of analysis. Drawing on the work of Paulo Freire, the seminal theorist of critical pedagogy, this project couples WSA with the analytic lens of public pedagogy to overcome the conceptual limitations of ideology and of various postmodern critiques. Primary media sources are used for purposes of critical political economy, to outline the contours of economic changes and class formations from the first world revolution. A detailed descriptive history of the revolutions that swept across Europe in 1848 recovers narratives from that critical juncture. I discuss prominent public pedagogies via analysis of primary print media sources like the London Times. Focusing on hegemonic shifts in the world system around 1848, I throw light on movement-media cracks in the British Empire, while also uncovering oft-ignored resistance, insurrections and utopian experiments in the Americas. Pedagogies of conspiracy theory and Manifest Destiny legitimated US aggression against Mexico as the former took initial steps toward becoming a world system superpower. Problems and pedagogies from 1848 are also updated and examined in light of the contemporary society-media context to consider cracks in the existing system and learn from the past new possible paths out of the world system’s terminal structural crisis.