No description available.

This thesis has two aims: firstly, to provide a summary of Moroccan political history over the years 1659-1727, which saw the Alaui dynasty established; and secondly, by making use, for the most part, of contemporary source material, to provide a critique of indigenous tradition concerning the period, as summed up in the nineteenth century "Kitab al-Istiasa." Contemporary material suggests that the Alawi dynasty was effectively launched from Fes, the metropolitan base of the parvenu sultan al-Rashid. Thereafter came imperial emancipation from Fasi tutelage, and the inauguration of a deteriorating relationship between sultan and metropolis. Ismail, al-Rashid's successor, moved his capital to Meknes. There he fostered a personal military and magnate following, developed along culturally standard lines. This won him dynastic victory, and brief military ascendancy in the critical regions of the Sus and Algerine march, tricked out with easy gains from a prestige programme of mujahid warfare. Ismail's tide turned in 1692, with Algerine invasion of his territory. The subsequent decade was characterised by renewed and strenuous efforts at maintaining territorial maxima. The empire was scoured for slave recruits to the standing army. This swollen army failed to save the sultan, in 1701, from the Algerine trouncing which precipitated his retirement from personal campaigning. Thereafter, Ismail was a palace ruler of fluctuating territory, and the object of repeated filial challenge. Assets which shored up his central authority were; a link with the commerce of a debilitated Fes; a continuing working relationship with tribute-bearing magnates, involving gross power-delegation; and a force of troops held in reserve as a military deterrent. Contemporary evidence eliminates the view of Ismail as a swingeing monarch who, by 1692, had reduced all his provinces to orderly submission. By emphasising his latter-day problems, it points to his longevity as the key to the establishment of the Alawi dynasty.

Orientador : Caio Navarro de Toledo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T20:35:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MartinsFilho_JoaoRoberto_M.pdf: 8489398 bytes, checksum: 2b917570243730097779db92fb2f828a (MD5) Previous issue date: 1986 / Resumo: Não informado. / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado

nÃo hà / Com o rÃpido crescimento das indÃstrias de telecomunicaÃÃes criou-se uma forte necessidade por materiais cerÃmicos para aplicaÃÃes em micro-ondas. Devendo estes materiais apresentar alta permissividade dielÃtrica (εr), elevado fator de qualidade (Q), boa estabilidade tÃrmica (τf Â10 ppm/ÂC) e baixo custo. Com a invenÃÃo de telefones celulares portÃteis, o campo da comunicaÃÃo sem fio passou por um crescimento inovador nas Ãltimas dÃcadas. O sucesso da terceira geraÃÃo (3G) dos serviÃos de comunicaÃÃo de telefonia celular, motiva o desenvolvimento de banda larga de quarta geraÃÃo (4G) de telefones celulares e outros produtos e serviÃos sem fio, como por exemplo, o Bluetooth. Este trabalho consiste no desenvolvimento e caracterizaÃÃo da cerÃmica de titanato de bÃrio-bismuto (BaBi4Ti4O15) com adiÃÃo de Ãxido de niÃbio (Nb2O5) ou Ãxido de zinco (ZnO), visando a diminuiÃÃo da temperatura de sinterizaÃÃo e possivelmente melhorar a densificaÃÃo, e posteriormente, verificar as modificaÃÃes ocorridas nas propriedades do material, como por exemplo, o coeficiente de temperatura da frequÃncia ressonante (τf). As sÃries cerÃmicas foram produzidas usando a reaÃÃo no estado sÃlido, com o uso de moagem mecÃnica de alta energia e tratamento tÃrmico. A caracterizaÃÃo estrutural foi realizada com base na Microscopia EletrÃnica de Varredura (MEV) e Picnometria. As densidades relativas das amostras adicionadas com (ZnO) a de maior concentraÃÃo teve valor de 77% enquanto que o BBT puro o valor foi de 56%. As densidades relativas das amostras adicionadas com (Nb2O5) a de maior concentraÃÃo teve valor de 61% em relaÃÃo ao BBT puro. Foram realizados experimentos para avaliaÃÃo do comportamento elÃtrico e dielÃtrico das amostras, na faixa de Micro-ondas e RadiofrequÃncia (temperatura ambiente e com variaÃÃo de temperatura). Por fim, o material foi testado como uma DRA, e posteriormente os resultados obtidos foram simulados atravÃs do programa HFSS. As caracterÃsticas da DRA da cerÃmica pura sÃo 1,12dBi de ganho e 32,51% de eficiÃncia. A DRA que foi adicionada com 2% de (ZnO) apresentou ganho de 1,16dBi com 33,96% de eficiÃncia, enquanto a que foi adicionada com 5% de (Nb2O5) apresentou 1,41dBi de ganho com 42,21% de eficiÃncia. / With the rapid growth of the telecommunications industry created a strong need for ceramic materials for applications in microwave. These materials should exhibit high dielectric permittivity (εr), high quality factor (Q), good thermal stability (τf Â10 ppm/ÂC) and low cost. With the invention of mobile phones, the field of wireless communication has undergone a revolutionary growth in recent decades. The success of the third generation (3G) services in mobile communication, motivates the development of broadband fourth generation (4G) of mobile phones and other wireless products and services, such as Bluetooth. Nowadays it is well known the use of tablets, which are increasingly gaining market and encouraging the development of new technologies to improve the flow of information. This work involves the development and characterization of the barium bismuth titanate ceramic, (BaBi4Ti4O15) with addition of niobium oxide (Nb2O5) or zinc oxide (ZnO) in order to decrease the sintering temperature and possibly improve the densification and subsequently check the modifications on material properties, such as the temperature coefficient of resonant frequency (τf). The series ceramics were produced using the solid state reaction with the use of high energy mechanical milling and heat treatment. The structural characterization was performed based on Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM) and Measurement by Pycnometer. The relative densities of the samples with added (ZnO) had the highest concentration value of 77% pure BBT while the value was 56%. The relative densities of the samples spiked with (Nb2O5) had the highest concentration value of 61% compared to pure BBT. Experiments were conducted to evaluate the electrical and dielectric behavior of the samples in the range of Microwave and Radio Frequency (temperature and temperature variation). Finally, the material was tested as a DRA, and then the results were simulated using the HFSS program. The characteristics of the pure ceramic DRA are 1,12dBi gain and 32,51% efficiency. The DRA added with 2% (ZnO ) showed 1.16dBi gain with 33,96% efficiency , while the one that was added with 5% (Nb2O5) showed gain of 1.41dBi with 42,21% efficiency.

No description available.

A travers une lecture de l’histoire des politiques interarabes, notamment la question palestinienne, des pays maghrébins, nous nous sommes posé des questions afin de comprendre sur quelle base les pays maghrébins ont réagi d’une telle ou telle manière. Ont-ils favorisé leurs appartenance au monde arabe, en considérant la question palestinienne la leur, ou bien c’est l’intérêt national, qui explique tel ou tel comportement ? Le traitement de cette question centrale de notre recherche nous a mené à constater deux types de politique : une essaye de coupler entre l’intérêt d’un côté, tout en préservant des relations avec Israël, parce que nous savons que pour être bien vu aux regards des occidentaux en général et les Américains en particulier il faut normaliser avec l’Etat hébreu, ou au pire, ne pas être acharné contre lui, et la solidarité avec les Palestiniens de l’autre côté. Cependant, ce genre de comportement est ingérable vu que les deux parti en question sont opposés, ce qui pousse les partisans de cette politique de dissimuler leurs contacts avec les Israéliens, et c’est pour ça nous avons du mal à comprendre certaines politiques et comportements. La deuxième politique se base sur la solidarité sans donner importance à l’intérêt. Enfin, la solidarité interarabe entre les maghrébins et le reste du Monde arabe en général, et la question palestinienne en particulier, les vingt dernières années a été marquée par la crise permanente du système politique interarabe. Au sein du Maghreb, la question politique du conflit saharien, est devenue un principal obstacle à la mise en marche d'un projet unitaire et d’une politique extérieure commune. Le réalisme politique et le pragmatisme économique sont devenus le refrain des nouveaux discours des responsables du Maghreb. / Through a reading of the history of inter-Arab policies, including the Palestinian question, of the Maghreb countries, we are asked to understand on what basis the Maghreb countries have reacted in a certain way. Have they promoted their affiliation to the Arab world, considering the Palestinian question to them, or is the national interest, which explains why this or that behavior? The treatment of this central question of our research led us to see two kind of policies: one tries to couple between the interest on one side, while maintaining relations with Israel, because we know that to be clearly seen to eyes of Westerners in general and Americans in particular need to be normalized with the Jewish state, or at worst, do not be bitter against him, and solidarity with the Palestinians on the other side. However, this kind of behavior is unsustainable as both party in question are opposed, leading the partisans of this policy to cover up their contacts with the Israelis. That’s why we have difficulty to understanding certain policies and behaviors. The second policy is based on solidarity, without giving importance to the interest. Finally, inter-Arab solidarity between the Maghreb and the rest of the Arab world in general and the Palestinian question in particular, in the last twenty years has been marked by the permanent crisis of inter-Arab political system. In the Maghreb, the political question of the Saharan conflict has become a major obstacle to starting a project unit and a common foreign policy. Political realism and economic pragmatism became the refrain of the new discourse of leaders of the Maghreb.

Les principales villes marocaines semblent connaitre un déclin économique et un affaiblissement au courant du 19e siècle, celles-ci semblent aussi avoir peu de contacts avec l'extérieur et la vie religieuse, sociale, l'organisation collective et urbaine sont encore peu connus. La ville marocaine de Salé bien qu'au passé prestigieux et riche est emblématique de cette tendance. Peu d'étrangers semblent avoir à cette époque eu l'occasion de visiter des villes marocaines comme Salé ou encore Chefchaouen au passé prestigieux mais traditionnellement fermées aux influences étrangères. Les archives locales sont rares et impliquent une familiarité avec l'Arabe et les documents officiels du régime Sultanien, archives qu'il faut aller déchiffrer parfois dans les collections privées. Or, le courant du 19e siècle est un moment historique crucial. En effet, se plonger dans la culture urbaine marocaine de ce siècle et dans les mouvements historiques associés permet d'avoir des éclairages complémentaires et intéressants sur la réaction marocaine à la colonisation et l'essence des mouvements de résistances marocains. Ceci est particulièrement valable pour la ville de Salé. En effet, pendant les décennies qui précédent l'indépendance du Maroc, la ville de Salé fut le fief des mouvements de résistance nationale. En témoignent l'appel au «latif» lancé à Salé, par Ahmed Maâninou, relayé par la suite dans les principales cités du Maroc, et la pétition contre le Dahir Berbère remise au Sultan Mohammed V et au Résident général conduira la France au retrait du dahir de mai 1930, perçu par les intellectuels de l'époque comme une tentative de division du peuple marocain. / The main Moroccan cities seem to be experiencing an economic decline and a weakening during the 19th century, they also seem lo have little contact with the outside world and religious, social, collective and urban organization are still little known. The Moroccan city of Salé although a prestigious and rich past is emblematic of this trend. Few foreigners seem to have had the opportunity to visit Moroccan cities such as Salé or Chefchaouen with a prestigious past but traditionally closed to foreign influences. Local archives are rare and involve a familiarity with the Arabic and official documents of the Sultanian regime, which must be deciphered sometimes in private collections. Indeed, the 19th century is a crucial historical moment : to immerse ourselves in the Moroccan urban culture of this century and in the associated historical movements allows us to have complementary and interesting insights into the Moroccan reaction to colonization and the essence of Moroccan resistance movements. This is especially !rue for the city of Salé. Indeed, during the decades preceding the independence of Morocco, the city of Salé was the stronghold of the national resistance movements. As evidenced by the appeal to the "latif” launched in Salé by Ahmed Maâninou, subsequently relayed in the main cities of Morocco, and the petit ion against the Dahir Berbère given LO Sultan Mohammed V and the General Resident will lead France to the withdrawal of dahir of May 1930, perceived by the intellectuals of the time as an attempt to divide the Moroccan people.

A presente pesquisa consiste em, a partir da ideia de dois corpos do rei e de seus possíveis arranjos politicamente produtivos, pensar as interpretações historiográficas e as imagens literárias acerca de d. Pedro II elaboradas no Brasil, desde o começo dos anos 1920, época conturbada da vida política e cultural, até o início da década de 1940, quando se vivia, sob o governo de Getúlio Vargas, nos tempos do Estado Novo. São duas décadas carregadas de significados e memórias, nas quais se viveu a celebração e a fixação de marcos históricos para a ainda bastante jovem nação brasileira. Analisar as obras feitas neste período possibilita compreender a maneira como cada autor lidava com a ambiguidade do imperador, como cada um trabalhava, a partir de interesses específicos, o risco e a produtividade da política no monarca enfeixada. Indo além, é possível entender como cada um pensava e criticava, dessa maneira, mais do que o Segundo Reinado e seu monarca, o próprio regime republicano. A partir de apontamentos teóricos referentes às relações entre história e memória, são analisadas obras variadas, numa tentativa de mapear controvérsias que emergem em textos de gêneros diversos. Com a leitura e análise dos documentos, fica claro que a memória do imperador passou por uma série de disputas e debates, por interpretações que alternaram o tom positivo com a crítica mais satírica e corrosiva; entendimentos que, no contexto de sua produção, adquiriam eminente caráter político. Além disso, por conta de seu aspecto emblemático, muitas das questões e problemáticas levantadas no período possibilitam entendimentos amplos sobre a cultura política brasileira, inclusive de assuntos que tocam os nossos dias. Pensar essas elaborações e arranjos, seus riscos e produtividades, sua memória e longa duração, tais são os principais objetivos desta pesquisa. / This research consists in, based on the idea of the king\'s double body and its political arrangements, read and analyze the historical interpretations and literary images of d. Pedro II produced in Brazil since the early 1920s, a tumultuous time of political and cultural life, until the early 1940s, period when the country was under the government of Getúlio Vargas, in the times of Estado Novo. These two decades are full of meanings and memories; during these years, celebrations and historical marks were established for the until too young Brazilian nation. Analyze these works allows us to understand the way each author dealt with the ambiguity of the emperor, with the risk and the productivity of his policy. In this way, it is possible to understand how each author thought and criticized more than the Second Empire and its monarch, the republican regime itself. From theoretical approaches concerning the relationship between history and memory, various works are analyzed in an attempt to map out controversies that emerge in texts from various genres. This documents show clearly how the memory of the Emperor went through a series of disputes and debates; they also show how, in the context of its production, those interpretations acquired eminent political character. Furthermore, many of the problems raised in the studied period enable understandings about Brazilian political culture, including issues that reach our days. Think those elaborations and arrangements, their risks and productivity, their memory and long duration; such are the main objectives of this research.

A presente pesquisa consiste em, a partir da ideia de dois corpos do rei e de seus possíveis arranjos politicamente produtivos, pensar as interpretações historiográficas e as imagens literárias acerca de d. Pedro II elaboradas no Brasil, desde o começo dos anos 1920, época conturbada da vida política e cultural, até o início da década de 1940, quando se vivia, sob o governo de Getúlio Vargas, nos tempos do Estado Novo. São duas décadas carregadas de significados e memórias, nas quais se viveu a celebração e a fixação de marcos históricos para a ainda bastante jovem nação brasileira. Analisar as obras feitas neste período possibilita compreender a maneira como cada autor lidava com a ambiguidade do imperador, como cada um trabalhava, a partir de interesses específicos, o risco e a produtividade da política no monarca enfeixada. Indo além, é possível entender como cada um pensava e criticava, dessa maneira, mais do que o Segundo Reinado e seu monarca, o próprio regime republicano. A partir de apontamentos teóricos referentes às relações entre história e memória, são analisadas obras variadas, numa tentativa de mapear controvérsias que emergem em textos de gêneros diversos. Com a leitura e análise dos documentos, fica claro que a memória do imperador passou por uma série de disputas e debates, por interpretações que alternaram o tom positivo com a crítica mais satírica e corrosiva; entendimentos que, no contexto de sua produção, adquiriam eminente caráter político. Além disso, por conta de seu aspecto emblemático, muitas das questões e problemáticas levantadas no período possibilitam entendimentos amplos sobre a cultura política brasileira, inclusive de assuntos que tocam os nossos dias. Pensar essas elaborações e arranjos, seus riscos e produtividades, sua memória e longa duração, tais são os principais objetivos desta pesquisa. / This research consists in, based on the idea of the king\'s double body and its political arrangements, read and analyze the historical interpretations and literary images of d. Pedro II produced in Brazil since the early 1920s, a tumultuous time of political and cultural life, until the early 1940s, period when the country was under the government of Getúlio Vargas, in the times of Estado Novo. These two decades are full of meanings and memories; during these years, celebrations and historical marks were established for the until too young Brazilian nation. Analyze these works allows us to understand the way each author dealt with the ambiguity of the emperor, with the risk and the productivity of his policy. In this way, it is possible to understand how each author thought and criticized more than the Second Empire and its monarch, the republican regime itself. From theoretical approaches concerning the relationship between history and memory, various works are analyzed in an attempt to map out controversies that emerge in texts from various genres. This documents show clearly how the memory of the Emperor went through a series of disputes and debates; they also show how, in the context of its production, those interpretations acquired eminent political character. Furthermore, many of the problems raised in the studied period enable understandings about Brazilian political culture, including issues that reach our days. Think those elaborations and arrangements, their risks and productivity, their memory and long duration; such are the main objectives of this research.

L'histoire des logements sociaux en France est intimement liée à celle de l'architecture moderne et de l'urbanisme. L'expérience coloniale marocaine (1912 - 1956) joue un rôle important dans l'évolution de ces derniers; le Maroc leur servant de terrain d'expérimentation pendant l'entre­deux-guerres avant que les concepts développés ne soient transférés en France métropolitaine. L'objet de cette étude est de démontrer comment l'expérience coloniale marocaine eut une grande influence sur les politiques de logements sociaux menées en France métropolitaine entre 1912 et 1980. Le principe de l'histoire croisée permet d'analyser les transferts qui eurent lieu entre les deux pays, comment chacun des pays influencèrent l'évolution des concepts transférés et comment ces transferts influencèrent les politiques nationales. L'étude des villes de Bordeaux en France et de Casablanca au Maroc permet d'étudier l'application de ces politiques nationales au niveau local et d'analyser comment ces différentes politiques modifièrent le visage des deux villes. / The history of social housing in France is strongly connected to those of modern architecture and urbanism. The Moroccan colonial experience (1912- 1956) plays an important role in the evolution of both fields. Morocco served both of them as a field of experimentation during the interwar period, before the developed concepts get transferred back to France. The goal of this study is to demonstrate how the Moroccan colonial experience influences the social housing policies that have been done in-France between 1912 and 1980. The concept of histoire croisée allow to analyze which transfers take place between both countries, how each of both country influence the evolution of the transferred concepts and how these transfers influence the national policies. The study of Bordeaux in France and Casablanca in Morocco allows to analyze how theses national policies get applicate on local level and to study how these differences policies change the face of both cities.