This thesis deals with the topic of international arms trade. More particularly, it deals with the arms trade in three chosen countries - the United States, Sweden and Russia. In general, this work brings coherent data and analyzes the arms trade issue, especially in the countries chosen for this academic work. The aim is to present arms trade problematics of these three countries to the reader as well as to bring the valuable analyzes on the chosen topic and finally to compare the case countries in order to find the differences and common characteristics. The main goal of this thesis is to find the answers on the research questions. The two most important research questions are: What are the current trends and future of the international arms trade in the U.S., Sweden and Russia? How does the arms trade differ in these countries? The first research question is focused on present and future development of arms trade, on the other hand second one gives partially comparative nature to the thesis. The thesis is based on comparative case study method. Through the deep examination of this three case countries the work comes to the answers designed in the research questions. Thesis concludes the raising importance of the arms trade as the instrument of influence. In addition, growing of volume of arms...

Since the end of the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1979, Northeast Asia and its comprising countries have avoided international conflict as well as any regional set has done over the past few decades. The absence of nuclear weapons among Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, in particular, is striking, given their technological and scientific capabilities. Though each of those countries has come close at times to developing their own nuclear weapons, one factor or another contributed to the failure of those upstart programs. The United States has played a significant role in all of them. Still, other factors remain. The purpose of this thesis is to determine in detail what caused the lack of a nuclear arms race in northeast Asia, beyond the American angle, as far as could be done. Existential threats exist to each country involved in the study, theoretically and tactically. Additionally, what causes an outlier like North Korea, which has boldly moved forward with nuclear weapons development? An important work by Scott Sagan is utilized in the thesis to assist with developing some far-reaching conclusions, with great importance to other parts of the world, beyond northeast Asia. Other literature can assist with those conclusions, as well. The framework of this thesis will be to intermingle a somewhat amended version of Sagan's nuclear proliferation rationalizations with historical analyses to draft some region-specific conclusions about why northeast Asia has not had a nuclear arms race. Processes going on between countries, within countries, and among countries, militarily, culturally, and economically, play such important roles than none can be discarded. The economic power centered on the capitalist core of northeast Asia can show how nuclear weapons acquisition is no longer among the things necessary to gain international respect or even security.

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The overarching goal of this study is to conduct an investigation of regional perspectives on the impact of Israel's nuclear monopoly on nuclear decisions in the Middle East. This Dissertation addresses the question as to why regional actors have taken divergent nuclear paths relative to Israel's nuclear posture. The point of departure for this inquiry is whether the 'introduction' of Israel's nuclear weapons has ever played a pivotal role in the nuclear decisions and escalation dynamics in the Middle East. In so doing, this study addresses why Israel has maintained a nuclear monopoly in the Middle East. Within this context, the nuclear decisions are analyzed while employing three specific Independent Variables, namely: conventional balance; alliance reliance; and the perception of the utility of nuclear weapons. The analysis of the Egypt and Iran cases demonstrated layers of common and divergent responses, namely in relation to their perception of conventional, nonconventional, and nuclear deterrence. The dissertation addressed how both countries perceived and reacted to the underlying principles that underpinned Israel's nuclear posture. The main findings of this dissertation serve the logic of comparison between Egypt and Iran. These findings are addressed in terms of: a) the essence of reaction whether it applies to the nuclear posture or nuclear capabilities; b) the mere existence of a nuclear decision; c) the perception of the utility of nuclear weapons in terms of deterrence, compellence, and coercion; d) the difference between the official, semi-official and unofficial rhetoric; e) the significance of the legal reaction. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation addressed two comparative reactions to Israel's nuclear posture, namely Egypt's and Iran's divergent nuclear paths. In so doing, it addressed the nuclear decisions of Egypt and Iran from 1955 to 2021. This dissertation made an effort in investigating how a tacit ally, namely the Shah, perceived Israel's nuclear posture. As analyzed, the literature tends to overlook the story of Iran's reaction under the Shah. Therefore, more research is necessary to decipher the puzzle of why allies feel alarmed or concerned by a nuclear ambition of a close regional partner. An important issue that this dissertation addressed while investigating reactions to Israel's nuclear posture was the delicate issue of decoupling Israel's posture from other established nuclear powers or nuclear aspirants. Within this context, it is central that this study underscores the impacts of the Indian, and Pakistani bombs and the impact of Iraq's nuclear ambition and to make a strong and substantiated case as to why Iran's reaction addressed Israel's posture and not Iraq or India. The same analysis applies to Egypt which witnessed the emergence of another nuclear aspirant in the 1980s, namely Iraq. In the final analysis, the main findings of this dissertation support the argument that comparative regional reactions to Israel's nuclear posture help investigate and test the main assumptions that underpinned opacity. Within this context, future researchers might further analyze the trichotomy of conventional; nonconventional, and nuclear deterrence because regional actors might employ the case of monopoly for explicit or tacit bargaining that fulfills the overarching interest of guaranteeing a robust conventional force. The underlying foundation of this research is to address how regional actors perceive and react to asymmetries in power, resolve, and stake.

The Order of the Seraphim is Sweden's foremost order of chivalry and is conferred upon members of the Swedish Royal House, foreign heads of state or individuals of equal merits. Each new knight of the order is expected to submit a proposal for a heraldic coat of arms, a Seraphim Coat of Arms, which is then painted. Heraldry has traditional and often strict rules, and the sole function of a coat of arms is to identify its owner. However, this does not prevent a coat of arms from conveying idea-content, such as specific messages and identities. This essay is a qualitative analysis of the Seraphim Coats of Arms of Finnish and Icelandic presidents, where the aim is to analyze symbols and idea-content, heraldic style as well as style development and national differences. The investigation analyzes the Seraphim Coats of Arms of eight Finnish presidents and five Icelandic presidents between the years 1925 and 2018. The essay employs semiotics as its theoretical framework and iconographic and iconological analysis as method. The results show that the weapons not only identify their owner, but also convey messages and identity – idea-content that can be intentional, but not always obvious. Symbols, idea-content and heraldic style vary. The majority represent the office of president and national symbols, such as the flag or coat of arms of the country. The Seraphim Coats of Arms of the Finnish presidents, with few exceptions, follow the strict tradition of heraldry and are generally archaically simple in their design. Among Finnish presidents, for example, policies and statements are more frequent, where the image of the president as a unifying figure is conveyed in the coats of arms. The coats of arms of the Icelandic presidents are more varied in both idea-content and style. In both countries there are examples of canting arms, arms that represent the bearer's name. The coats of arms of the Finnish and Icelandic heads of state represent a distinct heraldic time frame. The Finnish arms cover a period of just under a century, the Icelandic somewhat shorter. Together they form a unique insight into Nordic heraldry for almost 100 years.

This thesis examines the regulation of naval competition between the major naval powers, and especially between Britain and the United States, under the regime of the Washington and London naval treaties, and the attempts to extend and maintain naval limitation in the period 1927 to 1936 in the face of Anglo-American rivalry and, later, the threats from Japan and Germany. Based upon British and American public and private sources, it traces the interaction of the two nations, and their relationships with other naval powers, from 1927 - when Anglo-American relations reached a nadir after the failed 'Coolidge Conference' in Geneva and the subsequen abortive 'Anglo-French Compromise' - to 1936, when naval limitation ende but by which time Anglo-American antipathy was fading in the face of mut external threats. The naval conferences of Geneva (1927) and London (19 and 1935-36), and the parallel naval side of the long-running Disarmamen Conference and its Preparatory Commission are reviewed with their attend preparations in London and Washington, and the influence of domestic factors - public opinion, financial stringency, and personal and politic prejudice - are examined. The central role of the naval balance in the relationship between the interward Great Powers is stressed, and the importance of the naval negotiations to both governments and public opinion echoes our contemporary concern for the preservation and management of the strategic balance. While the Washington-London naval system failed to halt naval rival it achieved the unforeseen consequences of permitting Britain to gracefu cede naval supremacy to the United States, under the guise of conceding 'parity', with a minimum of friction or indeed recognition of the fact. Additionally, it demonstrated by its breakdown the vulnerability of an arms limitation system that was neither geographically nor technically comprehensive.

This study analyzes the rule of the law of treaties permitting the provisional application of treaties or parts thereof, which usually occurs between signature and ratification (article 25 of the 1969 Vienna Convention). Chapter 1 reviews the negotiating record of article 25. Chapter 2 examines the reasons for provisional application, which include the urgency of the treaty and preparation for a new international organization. Chapter 3 considers article 25 in detail, while chapter 4 explores provisional application under customary international law, including the origins of the custom. The constitutionality of provisional application and the municipal effect of provisionally applied treaties are examined in chapter 5, along with provisional application in South African law and treaty practice. Chapter 6 considers the special role of provisional application in the field of arms control instruments. The main conclusion reached is that the principle of pacta sunt servanda applies during the provisional period. / Jurisprudence / LL.M

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for a Master's Degree in Technology: Business Administration, Durban University of Technology, 2008. / The purpose of this research is to compare the firearm legislation between South Africa and selected countries and to determine if multiple firearm owners and firearm dealers are affected in terms of economics, and changes to their business environment by the new Firearms Act, 60 of 2000.The sub-objectives of this study are as follows: - To compare firearm regulations between countries that were affected by access to firearms and deaths as a result thereof; - To evaluate the economic effect of the legislation on a firearm dealer/dedicated hunter/dedicated sportsman/collector of firearms; - To evaluate the economic effect of the restrictions on the number of firearms an owner may legally possess; - To evaluate the economic impact of the cost involved for re-licensing a firearm; - To establish how the firearm business environment is affected according to the political, economic, social, technological and ecological influences on business strategies. The research does not include firearm owners with hand weapons or individuals with fewer than four firearms. It also excludes South African Police Service and South African Defence Force weapons, as these are not usually provided to the public. The aim of this research is to establish if there is an effect on the dealers and hunters in the firearm industry in South Africa with the advent of the Firearms Control Act 60 of 2000. The world trend changed firearm legislation world-wide and South Africa followed. In the following chapter the global and South African issue is discussed with some of the arguments on why the firearm legislation had to change.

International Telemetering Conference Proceedings / October 25-28, 1993 / Riviera Hotel and Convention Center, Las Vegas, Nevada / This paper provides a brief history of the role strategic ballistic missile telemetry has played in U.S.-Soviet and Russian arms control relations from the first Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I) through the second Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START II).

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