This dissertation examines the efforts of Pacific internationalists in the years during and after World War II to forge private intellectual connections between the West and Asia. One of the most prominent groups in this movement was the Institute of Pacific Relations (1925-61), an international non-governmental organization that nurtured a trans-Pacific community of scholars, businessmen and diplomats through research projects and international conferences. In evaluating the work of these internationalists during the postwar period, this dissertation challenges conventional Cold War historiography that has marginalized such cooperative efforts during these years. Previous scholarship concerning the Institute of Pacific Relations has noted the way in which the organization fell victim to anti-communist politics in the United States, yet no studies have examined the records of its postwar conferences, which reveal an active international agenda well into the 1950s. The support of Asian members for such trans-Pacific ties, moreover, provides a counter-narrative to the story of revolutionary nationalism and third-world solidarity among emerging Asian and African countries during this period. The Institute of Pacific Relations acted as a valuable asset in the struggle for the “mind of Asia,” this dissertation argues, largely because its leadership did not conform to the prevailing Cold War mindset. As a private international organization, the IPR provided a venue for unofficial dialogue among private elites who at once confronted and transcended the geopolitical restrictions of their time. In maintaining private East-West partnerships through such turbulent years, these Pacific internationalists set the stage for regional cooperative ventures to flourish later in the twentieth century. / text

This paper is focused on an analysis of current regionalism in Asia-Pacific region and on evaluation of creation of relatively wide and relatively deep regional integration. Possible benefits of this integration concept can be exemplified by development of Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) whose member states have substantially different interests due to historic and socioeconomic reasons. However, ASEAN was able to overcome these different interests by a specific integration model which is based on mutual trust, consensual decision-making and gradual changes. As a result, natural suspicions were eliminated to some extent and member states were able to deepen their integration. Main powers in the region noticed its success and they began to strive to develop closer relations not only with ASEAN, but also with other regional powers through ASEAN structure.

Abstract With the rapid growth of economy, the People's Republic of China plays an important role in the global community since the reform and opening up in 1978. With the rising of China, China changes its view of the world. Under the concept of ¡§Five Principles¡¨, China changes its policy from ¡§tao guang yang hui¡¨ to peaceful rise and peaceful development. The study uses the approach of geopolitics to discuss the relationship between geography and strategy, geography is the foundation of national safety strategy, existence and development. Napoleon Bonaparte has said when you understand the geography of one nation, you can understand its foreign policy. The study uses the concept of China¡¦s peaceful rising to discuss the influences to other nations in Asia Pacific region including south and north Korea, Russia, Japan, Taiwan and ASEAN. By the way, after 911 Terrorist Attack, America changes its China policy and cooperates with China, China also improves it relationship with America at the same time. China¡¦s peaceful rising no doubt would influence the interests of America in Asia Pacific region, therefore, the study focuses on how would America face the situation of China¡¦s peaceful rising. On the early days of cold war, because of Taiwan¡¦s special geographical position, Taiwan became the foundation of America¡¦s deterrence theory. After the cold war, with the change of America¡¦s global strategy and the end of Vietnam war, Taiwan became less important. Besides, the hegemony of America is weaken in the end of cold war, China tries to become the superpower of Asia Pacific region with the concept of peaceful raising. To Taiwan, the rise of China will limit the development of Taiwan, Taiwan needs to consider the growth and decline of America and China in the future.

The dissertation is devoted to the notion of preventive diplomacy. In the first part, various theoretical approaches to the term are discussed, especially regarding the position of preventive diplomacy in the cycle of conflict, and its instruments. A brief overview of regional arrangements and their role in preventive diplomacy is provided, too, since the second main part of the work focuses on the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and its proclaimed intention to introduce preventive diplomacy in the region. Nonetheless, as the study shows, the ARF participants have not yet resorted to the development of preventive diplomacy. The objective of the dissertation is twofold: besides providing a synthesis and systemization of theoretical approaches to preventive diplomacy, it aims to identify the main obstacles hindering the ARF to implement effective measures of preventive diplomacy. In this respect, it is argued that it is both the set of norms also known as ASEAN Way and the Chinese negative stance that constitute the major reason of ARF's inability to proceed to the stage of preventive diplomacy.

This thesis concerns the development of trilateral strategic partnership between Australia, Japan and the United States and its implications for the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region. For over half a century, the predominant means for organizing security cooperation in this region has been through the creation and maintenance of bilateral defence arrangements. In response to changing international conditions, including the rise of China and nontraditional security threats, US strategic thinking has begun to look beyond the traditional model of US-led bilateral alliances in the Asia-Pacific. The emerging Australia- Japan-US security cooperation in the form of Trilateral Security Dialogue, established in 2002 and elevated to a ministerial-level Strategic Dialogue in 2005, indicates that the three allies have strengthened their ties and expanded their cooperation to build a more integrated and cohesive trilateral response to joint regional concerns.

Работа посвящена анализу динамики развития двусторонних взаимоотношений между Японией и Социалистической Республикой Вьетнам в начале XXI в. На основе широкого круга источников и литературы, включая двусторонние документы, вьетнамские и японские средства массовой информации, а также актуальные публикации российских и зарубежных исследователей, определяются основные направления отношений, особенности и результаты сотрудничества. Подчеркивается важное место вьетнамско-японского взаимодействия в системе безопасности в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе и ценность сотрудничества для обоих партнеров, невзирая на проблемы. / The author analyses the development of bilateral relations between Japan and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam in the beginning of the 21st century. A wide range of primary and secondary sources is used, including diplomatic documents, Vietnamese and Japanese mass media, and research publications of experts from different countries of the world. The work systematizes the basic aspects of bilateral relations, defines their specific features and results. The important role of relations between Vietnam and Japan in the system of international relations in Asia-Pacific is emphasized, as well as its significance for both partners, in spite of various problems.

“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議與絲綢之路經濟帶的傳輸紐帶關係，發展成為“一帶一路”倡議，為中共在2013年所提出的戰略構想。 就美國而言，由於其經濟實力受金融危機影響減弱，透過積極干涉南海爭端，可協助其順利推進亞太戰略轉向，強化本國在東亞地區的權力基礎，並制約中國勢力擴張。相對於中共來說，應有效應對美國實施重返亞太戰略可能產生的各種不利影響。 本文探討對於共同建設的“21世紀海上絲綢之路”倡議，需要沿線各國與經濟體共同努力，願景需要由政治互信不斷增強，未來發展建置議程，共同促進聯合行動方案的互聯互通。 / The initiative of “One belt, one Road” means the economic belt of Land route of Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of Central Asia and the transport ties of the Maritime Silk Road connecting Mainland China with the countries of ASEAN, which has been making a strategic formulation put forward by the People's Republic of China since 2013. The impact of islands disputes between China and Philippines on the security of South China Sea, as far as the United States is concerned, with its economic strength weakened by the financial crisis, by proactively interfering with that, it helps successfully reorient its regional strategy, strengthen the U.S. power base in East Asia, and prevent China from expanding further. On the other side, to the PRC., effective strategies should be put forward to all kinds of disadvantageous influences of America's returning to the Asia-Pacific region. This article argues that jointly building the initiative of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road is required all parties to work together, the vision needs to be built for future development by increasing political mutual trust as well as development agenda so as to jointly promote inter connectivity.

本文以「新現實主義」(neorealism)，或被稱為「結構現實主義」(structural realism)做為研究途徑，從國際政治系統層次體系，探究美國在二十一世紀後，所進行的東亞軍力調整。本文首先檢視二十一世紀後東亞戰略環境，以及美國的兩位總統，小布希(George W. Bush)，以及歐巴馬(Barrack Obama)，的面對這樣的東亞安全環境，採取的戰略與政策儘管有不同，但同樣在軍事及外交上，強化與東亞國家之關係，藉以建構一個對美國有利的東亞安全環境，藉以面對來自崛起中國的挑戰。接著，本文將探究美國與中國之關係，藉以釐清美國在進行東亞軍力調整中，如何處理中國的因素後，探討美國在二十一世紀後，在東亞進行的軍力調整的原因、方針以及概況，以及美國的東亞盟邦在軍力調整後所扮演的角色，並探究美國在東亞軍力整編時所面對的困境與挑戰。 本文發現，二十一世紀美國進行東亞軍力調整之時，也反應了其東亞外交與安全戰略，以及美國建構一個以「美日同盟」為主軸的安全戰略體系已經形成，並由美國的其他東亞盟邦輔助支援。然而，美國的東亞軍力調整，也面臨了許多困難與挑戰，包括美國東亞盟邦，甚至美國自身的問題等。 最後，本文也建議未來可針對抑制中國軍事能力的戰略，以及台灣在美國東亞安全戰略可以扮演的角色進行研究。 / The research approach used in this dissertation is neorealism (structural realism). From the system of level in the international politics, this dissertation explore how the United States conducted its military realignment in East Asia. Firstly, this dissertation will examine the security environment of East Asia in the twenty-first century. Although two U.S. Presidents, George W. Bush and Barrack Obama, adopted different policies when facing such an East Asia security environment, they both strengthened relations with Asia-Pacific countries militarily and diplomatically. They intended to construct an East Asian security environment favorable for U.S. interests so that U.S. can face the challenges from the rising China. Later on, this dissertation will explore U.S.-Chinese relations to clarify how U.S. handle Chinese factors in its military realignment in East Asia. Besides, this dissertation will explore the reasons, policies, how U.S. proceed its military realignment, and the roles played by U.S. allies and partners. Finally, this dissertation will examine the difficulties and challenges that U.S. will have faced in its military realignment. This dissertation finds that U.S. military realignment in East Asia reflects its diplomacy and security strategy. Meanwhile, an U.S. security strategy based on U.S.-Japan alliance has established, with the support from other U.S. allies and partners in East Asia. However, the U.S. indeed faces difficulties and challenges, including problems from its allies and even the U.S. itself. Lastly, this dissertation suggest some research directions in the future, including a strategy which can suppress Chinese capabilities, and the role that Taiwan can play in the comprehensive U.S. East Asia security strategy.

Diploma thesis 'US-China Relationship in the Field of Naval Security - Cooperation or Conflict' focuses on the current phenomenon of Chinese naval rise and its implications for the relationship between China and today's leading naval power United States both in the Asia Pacific and Indian Ocean region. Using the comparative analysis, both the strategies as well as naval capacities of China and the US in both aforementioned regions are compared in order to assess the future character of their naval relationship. This thesis addresses also the evolution of Chinese navy and Chinese naval modernization on its own as well as its motives and those ideational and material factors which have a considerable impact on this modernization.

CHINA IN GLOBAL AND REGIONAL POLITICS IN THE 21ST CENTURY - GEOPOLITICAL CLASH WITH JAPAN, INDIA, USA, RUSSIA AND EUROPE Mgr. Martin Petrtýl Supervisor: Doc. Dr. Bořivoj Hnízdo, PhD. Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences This dissertation discusses the current and future role of China in the 21st century. I worked with the idea to prepare a systematically detailed analytical study of the country in relation to its surroundings as well as its internal environment for more than 8 years, including many interruptions. I, above all, contemplated about the way how to truly scientifically, i.e. credibly, it means in the maximum possible the limits of verifiability, develop a full work that could hold up to the colleagues from the scientific community and myself. It is logical it was and is my attempt to allow minimal possibility of any criticism of this work for its formal, content, or other deficiencies. First, I decided to analyse in some detail the currently known theoretical approaches and methods of study, not only in political sciences, especially those used by political geographers, but also in other related fields, especially in the field of study of international relations, sociology, political science or general security studies. I did not want to study the issue is the...