Master of Arts / Department of Speech Communication, Theater, and Dance / Timothy R. Steffensmeier / This work explores the emergence and evolution of the rhetoric choice rhetoric as it pertains to contemporary American abortion politics. <Choice> is explored from an ideographic perspective, borrowing from the theoretical framework for ideographic rhetorical criticism established by Michael Calvin McGee. The analysis begins with a diachronic analysis of the emergence of the ideograph of <choice> within the law with an investigation of the written decisions in four Supreme Court cases central to the construction of the right to choose: Roe v. Wade (1973), Maher v. Roe (1977), Harris v. McRae (1980), and Webster v. Reproductive Health Services (1989). This investigation reveals a synchronic relationship between <choice> and another higher order ideograph, <liberty>. The criticism continues with an investigation of the usage of <choice> by pro-choice advocates in two documents published by NARAL Pro-Choice America, Choices: Women Speak About Abortion is a collection of women's narratives about their experiences obtaining an abortion, and Breaking Barriers, a guide for the development and implementation of proactive policy campaigns for pro-choice advocates. McGee's method is employed to investigate the ideographic usage of <choice> within these documents, revealing the ideographic abstraction that associates the alleged idea content of ideographs. This ideographic analysis reveals the inability of <choice> to live up to its alleged idea content as a result of the limitations inherent in the grounding of <choice> within the higher order ideograph of <liberty> and the impact of these limitations on particular populations, mainly indigent women in the United States.

Master of Public Health - MPH / Women of child-bearing age sometimes fail to plan for pregnancies. Often they discover that they are pregnant and are not prepared or cannot afford to raise the child. Before 1996 there was no choice for women as regards pregnancies, all pregnancies must be carried to term and delivered except on health grounds and with stringent conditions. However after the TOP act was enacted in 1996, women were allowed a choice of TOP up to and including 20 weeks of pregnancy. Regardless of the availability of choice of TOP, some pregnant women still present late (after 12 weeks) for TOP when the risks of complications and costs are higher. Women who present late for TOP usually have to be admitted to a district or regional hospital and managed. The costs at such institutions are high. TOPs before 12 weeks (early TOP) are done in a primary health care (PHC) facility (TOP center) and no admission is required hence less cost. Complications of early TOP are also very mild and rare. In Lejweleputswa district there is only one TOP Center (Kopano TOP Clinic) and this serves both Lejweleputswa and the Northern Free State districts. Early TOPs (less than 12 weeks) are done and completed at this center. Late TOPs (above 12 weeks but not more than 20 weeks) are initiated at this TOP center and referred to district or regional hospitals nearest to the patient&rsquo;s home, in both districts for completion.Problems - An increasing number of women are seeking TOP service at late stages of pregnancies and the incidence of severe complications like severe bleeding, retained placenta, infection, amniotic fluid embolism, death etc, are increasing. The hospital&rsquo;s bed space and budget are stretched to the limit due to the influx of late term TOP to the hospitals. Lack of manpower, especially doctors, in these hospitals also create some problems, as the few doctors available have to attend to other ill patients as well. Sometimes bleeding TOP patients are transfused with blood and placed on a waiting list for theatre and this often increases the risk of complications. The emotional effect of late TOP on hospital staff (doctors and nurses) are enormous as the expelled fetus are much more developed than in early TOP where no fetus is seen at evacuation with simple Manual Vacuum Aspiration (MVA). / South Africa

Magister Theologiae - MTh / It is not possible in this paper to deal with all the moral problems revolving at the "beginning" and "end" of human life in the modern world. However, something must be said about the question regarding respect for human life vis-à-vis abortion and euthanasia, since they are widely discussed today and since they strike at the very heart of traditional morality. The dignity and worth of individual life cannot be derived from analysis of individual life itself. Humanity is not the measure of all things. Whatever value human beings have is strictly transitory unless it is in our relationship to some ultimate source of value outside us. Christian faith understands human value as being established by our relationship with God - a relationship created and given by God himself. It is because we have our being from God and are sustained by God that we can meaningfully affirm the value of individual human life. / South Africa

Historical and contemporary literature on post-abortion issues draws attention to the complexity of women’s experiences in this regard. The literature observes a vast range of potential effects of abortion on the mental health of women. This study contributes to the current understanding of post-abortion issues, by exploring women’s subjective experiences of post-abortion distress and the impact on interpersonal relationships. The relational impact is further situated in the context of its importance to psychological well-being. Four women, between the ages of 23 and 45, described their lived experiences of post-abortion distress during semi-structured interviews. Each participant gave detailed accounts of the abortion event, the difficulties experienced afterwards and the perceived impact that this kind of distress had on their lives and specifically, their relationships with others. The data was subsequently analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA). Twelve main themes emerged from the transcripts, each of which is discussed separately as well as in relation to other pertinent literature. The critical examination of the findings presented in this study revealed divergent aspects to those found in some of the existing literature, as well as understandings comparable with previous research. The meanings that emerged from these women’s stories revealed intense cognitive, emotional and behavioural dilemmas, all of which highlight the subjective experience of post-abortion distress as a complicated and deeply personal issue, with profound effects on their relational worlds. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Psychology / Unrestricted

Bakgrund: Kvinnor i Sverige har rätt till fri abort fram till graviditetsvecka 18 om det ej medför risk för kvinnans liv. Vid abort efter vecka 18 krävs godkännande av socialstyrelsen. Lagen för abort är inte densamma i hela världen utan kan skilja sig mycket från land till land. Totalt uppskattas att cirka 45 miljoner aborter utförs årligen i världen, varav hälften beräknas vara illegala aborter. Syfte: Syftet med studien var att beskriva sjuksköterskors attityd till inducerad abort samt att beskriva undersökningsgruppen i de inkluderade artiklarna. Metod: Litteraturstudie med beskrivande design. Artiklarna söktes i databaserna PubMed och Cinahl och resulterade i 14 artiklar som inkluderades i studien. Huvudresultat: Hos sjuksköterskor förekom både negativ och positiv attityd till inducerad abort. Negativ attityd yttrade sig genom bland annat livsåskådning och religiös tro samt vid upprepade aborter. I en del fall yttrade sig detta genom diskriminering av patienterna. Positiv attityd visade sig genom sjuksköterskornas övertygelse om kvinnans rätt till abort. En jämlik och icke dömande vård betonades. Sjuksköterskorna hade olika metoder för att kunna hantera situationen och utföra ett bra arbete utifrån patientens bästa. Slutsats: Sjuksköterskors attityd kan påverka kvinnornas upplevelse av vården i positiv eller negativ riktning. Med insyn i vilka attityder som förekommer hos de som jobbar med inducerad abort ges sjuksköterskor en chans att reflektera kring sin egen attityd. / Background: In Sweden women has the right to abortion until pregnancy week 18, as long as there’s no risk for her life. Abortion after pregnancy week 18 require a permit from The National Board of Health and Welfare (Socialstyrelsen). The law regarding abortion varies a lot around the world. Approximately 45 million abortions are performed annually around the world. It’s estimated that half of them are performed illegally. Aim: To describe nurse's attitude towards induced abortion and to describe the survey group in the included articles. Method: A literature review with a descriptive design. The articles were searched in the database PubMed and Cinahl and resulted in 14 articles that was included in the study. Main results: It occurred both negative and positive attitude among nurses towards induced abortion. Negative attitude were shown through the nurses conception of life, religious belief as well as repeated abortions. In some cases this was shown through discrimination of the patients. Positive attitude was shown through the nurses conviction of women's right to abortion. An equal and non-judgemental care was emphasized. The nurses had different methods to cope with the situation and perform an adequate job with regard for the patient's best. Conclusion: Nurses attitudes may affect women’s experience of health care in a positive or negative direction. Knowledge of the occurring attitudes among staff involved in induced abortion give nurses an opportunity to reflect on their own attitude.

The 2010 elections in Myanmar installed the country’s first civilian-elected government in more than 50 years, and subsequent growth and change have been rapid. However, reproductive health indicators are generally poor and reflect significant regional and geographic disparities. Rural populations are increasingly migrating to urban centers, like Yangon, in search of better economic opportunities and in response to persistent conflict. Many are settling in peri-urban Yangon, a dynamic series of townships characterized by poor infrastructure, slums, and a highly mobile population. However, very little is known about the reproductive health needs of this population. This study was designed to identify the reproductive health needs of women in peri-urban Yangon, and to understand better current practices, available services, and potential avenues for improvement. My research focused on delivery care, contraception, abortion, and post-abortion care. Using a multi-methods approach, and standard qualitative analytic techniques, I identified significant unmet reproductive health needs in peri-urban Yangon. The findings suggest that reproductive health services are often available but inaccessible. Findings demonstrate considerable misinformation, common and unsafe practices surrounding abortion and delivery, and a dearth of comprehensive sexual and reproductive health services for adolescent and unmarried populations.

In a study we conducted with Ontarian women about their abortion experiences (OAS), one third of participants expressed a desire for post-abortion support. Yet, there is some anecdotal evidence to suggest that organizations offering these services are using judgmental frameworks. In order to rigorously investigate this, we explored what post-abortion support services are offered across the province of Ontario. This multi-methods study included an analysis of OAS data, creating a directory of post-abortion support services in the province, conducting an analysis of how these services represent themselves online, and carrying out mystery client interactions. We found that the majority of organizations offering post-abortion support services in Ontario are crisis pregnancy centers. The services offered at these organizations are built upon frameworks that are both shaming and stigmatizing of abortion experiences. Efforts to increase the online visibility and overall accessibility of non-judgmental, medically accurate post-abortion support services in Ontario appear warranted.

D.Cur. / This research aims to develop a model for debriefing for the advanced psychiatric nurse practitioner to enable her to support the nurse involved in the termination of pregnancy. This research also aims to generate guidelines for the operationalising of the developed model. The model developed is envisaged to enhance the development of the nurse involved in the termination of pregnancy into a reflexive and mentally healthy person. The transition for a minority government and "Apartheid" regime in South Africa to a democratically elected government in 1994 required the revision of health practices. The World Health Organisation adheres to a strong ethical frame of reference, which includes respect for individuals' choices regarding their personal health. To promote and enhance the health and quality of life for women in South Africa, the Bill on the Freedom of Choice to Terminate a Pregnancy (Bill no. 92 of 1996) was promulgated. The nurse involved in the termination of pregnancy, experiences inner powerlessness and tiredness because of internal conflict and loss of internal control. These feelings are centred around the inability to convince women, who decide to terminate a pregnancy, not to continue with the procedure. She is continually confronted with feelings of sadness and anger. She does not allow herself to give vent to these feelings, nor does she share them with other people. The nurse involved in the termination of pregnancy continuously contests her own religious beliefs, which thus result in feelings of guilt. She copes with these feelings by using ineffective psychological defence mechanisms, such as rationalisation with regard to the involvement with the termination of pregnancy, distancing herself from the situation by facilitating inadequate interpersonal skills, and the repression of her feelings concerning the termination of pregnancy.

Scholars often argue that republican government works because elected representatives adopt policies favored by their constituents. Theoretically, this relationship is stronger with morality issues because such issues are technically simple, involve core values, and thus foster greater levels of citizen engagement. Since the U.S. Supreme Court cases of Casey and Webster, state legislatures have passed hundreds of policies that place cumulatively significant restrictions on women's access to abortion. The increasingly conservative nature of abortion policy might indicate an increasingly conservative electorate, but public opinion on abortion has remained stable since the 1970s with most Americans favoring legal abortion with some restrictions. This is the motivating question of my dissertation - why are states increasing abortion restrictions in the absence of public demand? Previous research on abortion policy in the states has generally focused on specific policies at specific years. Studying a single policy at discrete moments in time carries an implicit assumption that the determinants of policy are constant. In order to better state abortion conservatism, I comprehensively examine the formation of state abortion policy in the different stages of policymaking, across policy types, and over time. I find that the stages of the policy making process invokes different incentives for legislators, and as a result, the determinants of abortion policy at each stage of policymaking are different. Despite obvious differences across policy stages, I find a common theme: legislators create abortion policy in strategic ways, at the margins of the policy making arena, and excluding the preferences of the mass public. In the first empirical chapter, I focus on the agenda setting stage of policy making. Using an original dataset of all abortion-related bills introduced in the states from 2000-2010, I find that the predictors of sponsorship varies across legislator gender and party types. Additionally, I find that the effect of citizen ideology and interest group contributions varies across legislators. In the second empirical chapter, I study the diffusion of nearly 40 pro- and anti-abortion rights policies across the states. I establish a set of average predictors of state policy adoption and show how the effect of partisan actors varies across the policies. In the final empirical chapter, I develop a theory of bureaucratic activism. I use the cases of telemedicine abortion bans in Iowa, insurance bans in Georgia, and clinic regulations in Virginia to show how state bureaucracies take advantage of the broad authority granted to them to enact policy change unprompted by the legislature.

The study investigates the impediments caused by criminalisation of abortion in cases of forced pregnancy as a result of rape. It focuses on the premise that restrictive abortion laws and practices in such cases has devastating impact on women’s lives as they are likely to engage in unsafe abortion. Focuses on rape and abortion in Swaziland in relation to cultural norms and traditional beliefs on the issue of access to legal abortion by rape victims. Also discusses the law on abortion in Ethiopia. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Girmachew Alemu Aneme, Faculty of Law, University of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2009. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM