This dissertation analyzes the politics of representing Mayan ethnicity in Guatemalan tourism. Most importantly, it demonstrates the importance of cultural representations in tourism events to local Mayas themselves. It does this by demonstrating how tourism organizations are, in some cases, dynamically challenging long-held stereotypes of Guatemala's Mayan populations and creating new economic resources that are helping to empower local Mayan communities in Guatemala's second largest city, Quetzaltenango. However, through this examination it is also evident that not all tourism organizations in Quetzaltenango share these goals or produce these particular types of social and economic changes. How a tourism organization affects change on social and economic landscapes is often determined by its power to make its goals a reality. By examining tourism organizations with a wide range of ethnic and economic characteristics (be they for-profit, non-profit, indigenous, or non-indigenous), and how these characteristics are managed and manipulated, this dissertation analyzes how tourism organizations accumulate the power to make some changes in Quetzaltenango's social and economic landscapes more possible than others. Additionally, within anthropological literature there is rich material that examines the foundation and growth of indigenous movements in Latin America and the ability of these movements to mobilize political support for collective indigenous rights, cultural diversity, and the celebration of ethnic pride as well as to overcome indigenous political marginalization and poverty. However, within this body of work there is rarely mention of the political potential of tourism to mobilize support, celebrate diversity, and to overcome indigenous marginalization and poverty. This dissertation also demonstrates how the political potential of tourism can help indigenous movements accomplish these goals.

This is an in-depth study of the Nigerian press, the ubiquitous behemoth which called itself the "defender" of Nigeria's national independence and the last "hope" of the common man. It's a bold attempt to critically examine its antecedents, its evolution or development especially the historical, political, technological and socio-economic events that had impacted its growth, its world views and ideologies. It's a thorough assessment of the press' influence on Nigeria's socio-economic and political development, as well as the suitability of its tactics and posturing toward attaining its set goals of economic and political emancipation of Nigerians. Most importantly, this study is aimed at determining whether the Nigerian Press' militantly combative and adversarial posturing, cultivated since its emergence on Nigeria's political scene during the colonial era, is still relevant in view of the nation's current democratic experiment. And also whether there are better alternative strategies toward achieving good governance in Nigeria, which is its utmost desire.

This study is a quantitative content analysis of activist groups' use of dialogic tools on Web sites. The study was done in order to understand how activist groups use the Web to communicate with their publics in comparison to for-profit corporations. The Web is considered a powerful tool for activists and allows them to communicate better with their publics. Use of the Web should allow activist groups to level the field with corporations by enabling them to get their message out and interact better with their public. Dialogic communication is a necessity for activist groups. By measuring the use of dialogic communication by activists in comparison with corporations, this study uncovers how well activist groups are using the World Wide Web for purposes of dialogic communication with their publics.

Thesis (LL.M.)--George Washington University, May 1998. / Directed by: Richard Cummins.

<p>The Movement Action Plan (MAP) was created by Bill Moyer (1933-2002), an experienced activist engaged in movements for civil rights, peace and the environment, as he believed activists need to become aware of the roles they and their organisations are playing in the larger social movement in order to become successful. MAP is a practical strategy and action-planning model as well as a “how-to-do it” analytical tool for evaluating and organising social movements. The aim of this study is to investigate if the success of the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC) can be explained by the MAP model through a triangulation of methods; quantitative content analysis of the SSNC’s action plans and annual reports (2000-2005), as well as qualitative interviews with employees at the SSNC. Throughout the research materials and interviews, the organisation clearly demonstrates that they advocate as effective activists according to Moyer. The overall conclusion from this research is that Moyer’s tools to a great extent already is utilised, and that this could explain the SSNC’s success in transforming from a small group of educated elites into becoming a social movement.</p>

The relationship between a party leadership and party activists is often illustrated by the use of John May’s "Law of curvilinear opinion structures in political parties", i.e. the idea that mid-level party activists are assumed to be more radical than both party sympathisers and the party elite. This tension between party leadership and party activists can be assumed to lead to a restriction on the party leadership’s freedom of action. However, in recent years we have seen a number of examples where political parties have made major realignments of their own policies without any substantial internal conflicts. Given the role assigned to conditions for involvement in the formulation of May's Law it appears reasonable to look in that direction when trying to understand these changes. This study covers the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Green Party in Sweden. The offer made by the parties to their members can be understood in terms of collective goods, such as ideological and political community, and selective goods, such as elected offices. This thesis shows how the political involvement for the interviewed party activists is intimately linked to selective goods. This finding can help us to understand ideological and political changes in present-day parties. If, as a party activist, one is attracted by the opportunities to become an elected representative or the opportunities to exercise political power, it is reasonable to imagine that one will be more inclined to support actions that increase the opportunity to enjoy these goods. Since both the party leadership and the party activists are attracted by the selective goods offered by the party organisation, the conflict between these groups decreases, as both groups are focused on winning elections and exercising political power. The result of this study therefore provides grounds for questioning the ideas of a tension between party activists and party leaderships.

The Movement Action Plan (MAP) was created by Bill Moyer (1933-2002), an experienced activist engaged in movements for civil rights, peace and the environment, as he believed activists need to become aware of the roles they and their organisations are playing in the larger social movement in order to become successful. MAP is a practical strategy and action-planning model as well as a “how-to-do it” analytical tool for evaluating and organising social movements. The aim of this study is to investigate if the success of the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC) can be explained by the MAP model through a triangulation of methods; quantitative content analysis of the SSNC’s action plans and annual reports (2000-2005), as well as qualitative interviews with employees at the SSNC. Throughout the research materials and interviews, the organisation clearly demonstrates that they advocate as effective activists according to Moyer. The overall conclusion from this research is that Moyer’s tools to a great extent already is utilised, and that this could explain the SSNC’s success in transforming from a small group of educated elites into becoming a social movement.

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This study on engagement in environmental activism can offer valuable insights into how Ontario’s young people come to be responsible stewards of the earth. This research seeks to understand the narrative complexities put forth by teachers and students (Gr. 11-12) about the influence school plays for environmental activists. The teachers’ involvement with activism is mediated by students and the social networks that support their actions. The students’ involvement in action is influenced by teacher mentors, learning about/in the environment, and having a venue for activism. These findings suggest that in order to live up to Acting Today, Shaping Tomorrow schools should be seeking to have at least one environmentally literate teacher who wants to provide students with a venue for action. To assist the teachers and students with activism, there needs to be support for environmental action initiatives from the school administration and the community.

The goal of nursing is to promote health and alleviate suffering. Using Appreciative Inquiry, this study explored the possibilities for the nursing profession to reduce the health implications of poverty. Select Saskatchewan registered nurses (RNs) engaged in appreciative interviews that identified positive experiences working with low income clients. The participants were activists challenging the status quo through their practice. Analysis illuminated the best practices of these RNs, constructing a vision for change rooted in their understanding clients realities and communicating those realities through advocacy. By bringing their personal passions to client interactions, and connecting with a broader social justice context, RNs create an opportunity to respond to the effects of income inequities on health.