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This article is about the alternative forms of power emerging in contemporary activism. It conceptualizes this new form of power as ‘non-dominating’, and puts forward six propositions which characterize this form of power. It builds on work about power with eight diverse communities in the North of England, to argue that this form of power does exist in practice at the neighbourhood level, even though it is not articulated as such. While neighbourhood activists have difficulty in making this form of power effective, at the level of the ‘square’ and global activism, new understandings and practices of power are under conscious experimentation. This contribution therefore suggests that better connections need to be built between these levels of activism. At the same time, non-dominating power should be recognized as enhancing the debate about effective and transformative change and how it can avoid reproducing dominating power.

The thesis analyzes the demographic, attitudinal and behavioral characteristics of animal rights activists, placing them in the context of resource policy. It is argued that the animal rights movement combined the Victorian critique of empiricism with a reaction to modernity that was characteristic of other contemporary mass movements. Animal rights activism emerged from a sociopolitical milieu that legitimized and encouraged political activism in the form of interest groups, and was consistent with American interest group politics. Nonetheless, the movement could not have appeared in its current form prior to the 1960's. Changes in American politics during the last four decades have facilitated the emergence of mass movements, including civil rights and environmentalism. Survey research indicated that activists were caucasian, highly-educated urban professional women approximately thirty years old with a median income of $33,000 (1989). Most were Democrats or Independents and had moderate to liberal political views. They were often suspicious of science. It was concluded that animal rights activism is, in part, a symbolic manifestation of egalitarian social and political beliefs reacting to scientific and technological change. The California Wildlife Protection Act of 1990 provided a case study of the movement's implications for natural resource policy. Activists were able to ban the hunting of mountain lions and reallocate $900 million dollars in the California budget toward habitat acquisition. They demonstrated sophistication and finesse in building a coalition with environmentalists. Nevertheless, both movements were divided by fundamental philosophical differences which makes political cooperation difficult. Animal rights activism was also marked by extraordinary levels of intensity which arose from quasi-religious fervor, and it is suggested that activism fulfills Yinger's functional definition of religion in the lives of at least some of the movement's core constituency. This explains the movement's ability to retain activism in the face of incremental change. The thesis concludes with a discussion concerning the future implications of animal rights activism in society (312 words). / Graduation date: 1994

Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Gabriela Spanghero Lotta / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, 2016. / Situado no âmbito do tema do ativismo institucional, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo definir e identificar práticas ativistas, bem como analisar fatores que incidem sobre elas. Para alcançar esse objetivo, a presente pesquisa realizou uma ampla revisão bibliográfica, que permitiu propor uma definição para tais ações e igualmente facilitou a criação de um quadro por meio do qual são elencadas e examinadas as principais práticas ativistas encontradas na literatura da ciência política. A fim de verificar tais práticas in loco e reconhecer quais elementos influenciam os processos para que elas sejam promovidas ou reprimidas, realizou-se também uma pesquisa empírica. Esta centrou-se em entrevistas com os Analistas Técnicos de Políticas Sociais do Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome, uma vez que encontraram-se dados com indícios de que os profissionais dessa carreira possuíam um alto grau de engajamento político e social. Para a realização das análises e da pesquisa, utilizou-se do método qualitativo descritivo e explicativo, bem como de referências a análises contextuais. Por fim, o resultado desta investigação revelou que: 1) Existem ao menos onze práticas ativistas, das quais seis foram verificadas no grupo profissional referido; 2) Encontraram-se dez componentes, prioritariamente de cunho contextual político e institucional, que favorecem ou limitam atos de ativismo institucional; e 3) O perfil dos Analistas Técnicos de Políticas Sociais confirma que se trata de um grupo altamente engajado e militante. / Located within the theme of institutional activism, this work aims to define and identify activist¿s practices and analyze factors that affect them. To achieve this goal, this study conducted an extensive literature review, which allowed us to propose a definition for such actions and also facilitated the creation of a framework through which the main activists practices found in the literature of political science were listed and examined. In order to check such practices in the field and in order to try to recognize which elements influence the process that helps to promote or suppress them, we also held an empirical research. This research focused on interviews with Technical Analysts of Social Policies of the Ministry of Social Development and Fight Against Hunger, since there was evidence that this particular career had professionals with a high degree of political and social engagement. To carry out the analysis and research, we used descriptive and explanatory qualitative method, as well as references to contextual analysis. Finally, the results of this study revealed that: 1) There are at least eleven institutional activists practices, six of which were found in the referred professional group; 2) Ten components were found that favor or limit acts of institutional activism and they have primarily a political, institutional or contextual nature; and 3) The profile of Technical Analysts of Social Policies confirms that it is a highly engaged and militant group of professionals.

MA / Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Consumers are gradually becoming influential actors in the international arena. The 21st century consumer has taken on a new identity, namely that of a citizen-consumer. A rising awareness of the importance of ethical purchasing behaviour has made political citizen-consumers a vehicle through which change in normative behaviour in the capitalist world economy could be attained. Activists have realised the support that political consumers could give to campaigns that strive to achieve norm change. Consumers have the power to hold multinational corporations (MNCs) accountable for unjust practices, and through their purchasing decisions, pressure MNCs to change the manner in which they operate. In order to determine to what extent political consumerism could contribute to international norm change, one has to understand how norms emerge, when norms are accepted and at which point norms become internalised. The theoretical framework of the life-cycle of norms is ideal to test the possibilities that political consumerism holds in the quest for norm change. The application of norm life-cycle framework to case studies provides evidence that political consumerism has already announced itself as a vehicle for change. Campaigns such as the conflict diamonds campaign and the Fair Trade movement have already successfully co-opted consumers to support the goals of these campaigns and have achieved some results in changing the behaviour and policies of MNCs. Political consumers have therefore already embarked on the journey towards norm change, but have not yet been able to bring the norm to internalisation. The study determines which stage in the norm life-cycle political consumerism has managed to reach. Related to this, it asks whether it is in fact possible for activists and political consumers to complete the norm life-cycle and thereby effect norm change to enhance capacity for social justice in capitalism. The study also concerns itself with the persuasion strategies that have been used and could still be used by activists to pursue change in the normative behaviour of consumers and MNCs. Persuasion is central to convincing actors to accept and internalise a new norm. The study situates these persuasion strategies within the norm life-cycle, in order to identify the challenges facing the consumer movement and possible solutions to assist political consumerism to reach its full potential. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die internasionale arena het verbruikers gaandeweg die rol van invloedryke akteurs begin aanneem, naamlik dié van burgerlike-verbruikers. ‘n Toenemende bewustheid van die belangrikheid van etiese aankope het gedurende die 21ste eeu die politieke burgerlike-verbruiker in ‘n akteur omskep, wat normatiewe verandering in die kapitalistiese globale ekonomie te weeg kan bring. Aktiviste het besef dat politieke verbruikers steun aan veldtogte kan verleen wat na norm verandering streef. Omdat verbruikers oor die vermoë beskik om multi-nasionale korporasies (MNKs) vir onregverdige gebruike aanspreeklik te hou deur aankoop besluite, kan hul sodoende MNKs dwing on hul gebruike te verander. ‘n Begrip van die ontstaan en aanvaarding van norme, kan ook help om vas te stel tot watter mate politieke verbruiking tot internasionale norm verandering bydra. Die teoretiese raamwerk van die lewens-siklus van norme is ideaal om die potensiaal van politieke verbruiking te toets. Die toepassing van die norm lewens-siklus op gevallestudies bewys dat politieke verbruiking alreeds as ‘n middel vir verandering uitgekristaliseer het. Veldtogte, soos die konflik diamante veldtog en die “Fair Trade” beweging, het alreeds daarin geslaag om verbruikers te werf om die doelwitte van hierdie veldtogte te steun. Hierdie veldtogte het sodoende daarin geslaag om die verandering van MNKs se gedrag en beleid te bewerkstellig. Politieke verbruikers het hul reeds met die veldtog geassosieer om norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Die studie het bepaal watter stadium in die norm lewens-siklus politieke verbruiking reeds bereik het, asook of dit moontlik vir aktiviste en verbruikers is om die siklus te voltooi en norm-verandering te laat plaasvind. Hierdie norm-verandering sal ook die vermoë vir die sosiale regverdiging van die kapitalistiese stelsel verbeter. Die studie het ook die aktiviste se oorredingstrategië uiteengesit, asook watter strategië in die toekoms kan gebruik word om die normatiewe gedrag van verbruikers en MNKs te verander. In die aanvaarding van nuwe norme speel oorreding ‘n belangrike rol. Die studie plaas daarom hierdie oorredingstrategië binne die norm lewens-siklus, sodat dit die uitdagings kan identifiseer wat die verbruikers-beweging in die gesig staar. Dit sal daarom vir die studie moontlik maak om werkbare opplossings voor te stel, wat politieke verbruiking tot sy volle potensiaal kan voer.

This dissertation explores the memories and motivations of women who helped mold Pan-African cultural nationalism through challenging, refining, and reshaping organizations influenced by Kawaida, the black liberation philosophy that gave rise to Kwanzaa. This study focuses on female advocates in the Us Organization, Committee for a Unified Newark and the Congress of African People, the East, and Ahidiana. Emphasizing the years 1965 through the mid-to-late 1980s, the work delves into the women’s developing sense of racial and gender consciousness against the backdrop of the Black Power Movement. The study contextualizes recollections of women within the groups’ growth and development, ultimately tracing the organizations’ weakening, demise, and influence on subsequent generations. It examines female advocates within the larger milieu of the Civil Rights Movement’s retrenchment and the rise of Black Power. The dissertation also considers the impact of resurgent African-American nationalism, global independence movements, concomitant Black Campus, Black Arts, and Black Studies Movements, and the groups’ struggles amidst state repression and rising conservatism. Employing oral history, womanist approaches, and primary documents, this work seeks to increase what is known about female Pan-African cultural nationalists. Scholarly literature and archival sources reflect a dearth of cultural-nationalist women’s voices in the historical record. Several organizational histories have included the women’s contributions, but do not substantially engage their backgrounds, motives, and reasoning. Although women were initially restricted to “complementary” roles as helpmates, they were important in shaping and sustaining Pan-African cultural-nationalist organizations by serving as key actors in food cooperatives, educational programs, mass communications pursuits, community enterprises, and political organizing. As female advocates grappled with sexism in Kawaida-influenced groups, they also developed literature, programs, and organizations that broadened the cultural-nationalist vision for ending oppression. Women particularly helped reformulate and modernize Pan-African cultural nationalism over time and space by resisting and redefining restrictive gender roles. As such, they left a legacy of “kazi leadership” focused on collectivity, a commitment to performing the sustained work of bringing about black freedom, and centering African and African-descended people’s ideas and experiences.

The focus of this research was to ascertain the indirect effects upon activism of intervening variables and recognized exogenous influences upon activism. In addition, this research also focused upon the differences and similarities of a recruited activist model and spontaneous activist model. Regression and path analysis were used to measure the direct and indirect effects of the exogenous and intervening variables. This research found that when the intervening variables, political interest, political awareness, exposure to media, altruism, and self-interest were introduced to both the recruited and spontaneous models, the direct effects of the variables were enhanced.

There has been a grassroots revival of craftivism leading up to, and following the 2016 U.S. presidential election. This qualitative dissertation explores the experiences of women within three craftivist groups to facilitate a deeper understanding of their conceptions of craft, activism and feminism, the salience of older women within these communities, and how the affordances of new media are potentially reshaping craftivism. Drawing on interview data, as well as offline and online participant observation, this study found that craftivists have highly diverse personal trajectories and understandings of feminism and activism, that older women—many with a lifelong history of activism—play a significant role in craftivist groups, and that participation in craftivism, supported through extensive use of social media and online communication, provides a gateway to civic expression and engagement. Beyond deepening our understanding of craftivism in the current political climate, this research makes significant contributions to scholarship on participatory culture, activism, and civic engagement. While these bodies of research have traditionally been youth-centric, this dissertation adds value by shedding light on the participatory practices of older women in creative online sites.

A cidade de Porto Nacional está localizada no interior do estado do Tocantins e é conhecida por sua importância histórica e cultural. Durante o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, foi possível observar que nela acontecem vários tipos de festa, e suas comemorações são bastante diversificadas, encontrando-se, portanto, festas, de cunho religioso, a celebrações cívicas e profanas. Porém, evidenciamos neste trabalho aquelas que acontecem atualmente e que são consideradas importantes no âmbito cultural, a partir da opinião dos ativistas culturais da cidade. Neste sentido, o objetivo principal deste trabalho foi investigar como as festas que ocorrem na cidade de Porto Nacional, e que são consideradas pelos ativistas culturais importantes no âmbito cultural, contribuem para o fortalecimento da cultura local. A pesquisa está inserida na perspectiva da geografia cultural renovada e teve como principais conceitos abordados cultura e o lugar, uma vez que estão interligados ao nosso objeto de estudo: festa. No que se refere à metodologia, a pesquisa foi realizada através da abordagem qualitativa e teve como principais técnicas utilizadas a pesquisa bibliográfica e à campo. Foram entrevistados 13 ativistas culturais, entre os meses de outubro e novembro de 2016, a fim de identificarmos as festas consideradas por eles como referência cultural para a cidade de Porto Nacional. Para análise e descrição das festas, as principais fontes utilizadas foram bibliográficas e orais. A respeito da fonte oral, vimos que sobre algumas festas citadas pelos ativistas culturais não havia informações escritas em livros ou artigos. Assim, foi necessário entrevistar pessoas responsáveis pela organização e colaboradores (pessoas que frequentam ou que fizeram parte da organização das festas) entre os meses de março e maio de 2017. Algumas dessas entrevistas ocorreram via mídias eletrônicas (Facebook e Whatsapp) e outras pessoalmente. Ao final da pesquisa, consideramos que, apesar de as transformações que as festas vão passando no decorrer do tempo (pois a cultura é dinâmica), conforme elas vão acontecendo e só pelo fato de serem realizadas, elas contribuem para o fortalecimento da cultura local, pois é uma maneira de os indivíduos vivenciarem aquilo que faz parte da sua cultura. / The city of Porto Nacional is located in the interior of the state of Tocantins and is known for its historical and cultural importance. During the development of this research, it was possible to observe that in it several types of partyes, and its celebrations are quite diverse, being, therefore, celebrations, of religious character, to civic and profane celebrations. However, we highlight in this work those that happen today and that are considered important in the cultural scope, from the opinion of the cultural activists of the city. In this sense, the main objective of this work was to investigate how the celebrations that take place in the city of Porto Nacional, and that are considered by the cultural activists important in the cultural scope, contribute to the strengthening of the local culture. The research is inserted in the perspective of the renewed cultural geography and had as main concepts approached culture and the place, since they are interconnected to our object of study: party. Regarding the methodology, the research was carried out through the qualitative approach and had as main techniques the bibliographical and field research. A total of 13 cultural activists were interviewed between October and November 2016, in order to identify the parties considered by them as a cultural reference for the city of Porto Nacional. For analysis and description of the parties, the main sources used were bibliographical and oral. Regarding the oral source, we have seen that about some festivals cited by cultural activists there was no information written in books or articles. Therefore, it was necessary to interview people responsible for the organization and collaborators (people who attend or who were part of the party organization) between March and May 2017. Some of these interviews took place via electronic media (Facebook and Whatsapp) and others in person. At the end of the research, we consider that, in spite of the changes that the partyes are going through (because the culture is dynamic), as they happen, and only because they are realized, they contribute to the strengthening of the local culture, because it is a way for individuals to experience what is part of their culture.

This dissertation recounts how community groups in postwar New York City tapped into growing government engagement with urban problems, which culminated in President Lyndon B. Johnson's 1964 declaration of "unconditional war on poverty." Focusing on the discourse among grassroots activists, social reformers, and city officials, I argue that the War on Poverty has been misunderstood by scholars inattentive to the rich exchange of ideas that occurred at street level. I show how local policy innovations flowed upward and influenced elites -- intellectuals, politicians, bureaucrats -- before being projected back downward and adapted anew. Viewing the War on Poverty from the ground up not only provides a fresh perspective on its well-documented failures; it also turns up hidden successes. My narrative unfolds in the Brooklyn neighborhood of Bedford-Stuyvesant, where the drive to end poverty dovetailed with a vibrant civil-rights movement. A majority-black area of roughly 400,000 people, Bed-Stuy housed a mix of desperately poor tenants and upwardly mobile homeowners. I emphasize the policy role played by members of the area's middle class, especially women, who acted as brokers between politicians and the poor people whose empowerment the War on Poverty ostensibly promoted. In the 1950s, activists in Bed-Stuy partnered with the municipal government of Robert F. Wagner, Jr., to tackle pressing issues -- juvenile delinquency, deteriorated housing, capital flight -- through experimental social-work techniques and a new model of neighborhood-based planning. Such partnerships laid the groundwork for the federal Community Action Program, the centerpiece of the War on Poverty. Though Bed-Stuy's official Community Action Agency ultimately succumbed to mismanagement, bureaucratization, and internal strife, it did spawn several social-uplift and educational programs that helped to empower local residents, especially black women. By the late 1960s, Bed-Stuy's poverty warriors were searching for new ways of institutionalizing the federal antipoverty commitment and gaining a measure of community control. They found one answer in an alliance with Senator Robert F. Kennedy, who helped launch the Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration Corporation, the country's first Community Development Corporation. Restoration drew unprecedented federal funds and soon pioneered influential strategies of brownstone revitalization and local business development. As it evolved in the 1970s, Restoration reflected the dual goals of employing low-income residents and retaining Bed-Stuy's middle class -- a difficult balancing act, especially in a moment of accelerating disinvestment, mounting crime, and waning political will. Nevertheless, Restoration provided a model that community groups nationwide would follow into the 1980s and beyond.