Given the growing population of undocumented Latina/o/x immigrants who came to the United States as children, there is a need for research that explores the risk and protective factors of their experiences growing up in the United States. As they transition through adolescence, they emerge as adults in a very different world. No longer protected from deportation, they must take more serious risks with employment. Without access to federal financial aid, they face the reality that they may never be able to utilize their college education in the United States. Against these odds, and with the temporary protection of DACA, an increasing number of undocumented childhood arrivals are civically engaged in the immigrant rights movement. Employing a qualitative method based on constructivist and feminist frameworks called Consensual Qualitative Research, this study sought to explore the impact of activism in Latina/o/x DACAmented immigrants’ thwarted transition to adulthood, highlighting the ways in which Latina/o/x cultural values mitigate the impact of activism. The sample consisted of 12 Latina/o/x DACAmented activists, eight women and four men, ages 18-32, from Mexico (n = 10), Guatemala (n = 1), and Dominican Republic (n = 1). The findings in this study not only suggested that protective migration factors, DACA-related privileges, and strong coping skills contributed to Latina/o/x DACAmented immigrants’ decision to become activists, but they also noted that activism has been a protective factor in and of itself. The results also showed the ways in which Latina/o/x cultural values helped them make sense of their unique experiences and were consistent with the values within their activist communities. Existing clinical recommendations, resources, and research methods were highlighted as ways in which mental health providers can apply these findings in their clinical, training, and research practice.

A reestruturação nas telecomunicações brasileiras iniciada em meados dos anos 1990 com a quebra do monopólio estatal e a privatização do sistema Telebrás, em 1998, trouxe significativas mudanças para os sindicatos do setor. De um lado, o eixo homogêneo de negociações sindicato/empresa do período estatal fragmentou-se, tornando as negociações geograficamente dispersas. De outro, a nova forma assumida no setor influencia as experiências vivenciadas no trabalho e o perfil dos trabalhadores e novos dirigentes sindicais: agora eles são mais jovens, com escolarização maior e de tipo diverso, e pior remunerados. Disto resulta em diferenças entre distintas gerações de sindicalistas quanto às interpretações do presente e do passado, bem como quanto às percepções sobre a legitimidade das práticas sindicais. Tais diferenças, quando somadas às imposições da reorganização das relações de trabalho no setor, resultam na mudança do padrão de negociação do sindicato, bem como na sua reorganização interna. O presente estudo analisa o impacto da privatização da TELESP nas atividades sindicais do SINTETEL de São Paulo, tendo em vista a conjunção de gerações de sindicalistas e sua influência na estratégia da instituição. Para a análise utilizaram-se entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes, acordos coletivos, material impresso pelo sindicato, estatutos e dados da RAIS/GAGED. / The restructuring of the Brazilian telecommunications sector that began in the mid-1990s with the dissolution of the state monopoly and the privatization of the Telebrás system in 1998, brought significant changes to the labor unions operating in this sector. Firstly, the clearly defined axis of union/corporate negotiations during the period of state ownership was fragmented, dispersing the negotiations geographically. Secondly, the changes in the sector have influenced the work experiences as well as the demographic composition of the workers and new union activists: today they are younger, with higher levels of education in diverse areas, and receive lower salaries. This results in differences between the distinct generations of union members in terms of their interpretations of the past and the present, as well as in their perceptions of the legitimacy of union practices. Such differences, when combined with the impositions of the reorganization of the labor relations in the sector, result in a change in the negotiating patterns of the union, as well as in its own internal reorganization. The present study analyzes the impact of the privatization of TELESP in the union activities of Sintetel in São Paulo, in light of the conjuncture of generations of union leaders and the influence of this conjuncture on negotiating strategies of the union. The analysis is based on interviews with both present and former union activists, collective agreements, printed materials from the unions, union bylaws, and data from the RAIS/CAGED databases.

A reestruturação nas telecomunicações brasileiras iniciada em meados dos anos 1990 com a quebra do monopólio estatal e a privatização do sistema Telebrás, em 1998, trouxe significativas mudanças para os sindicatos do setor. De um lado, o eixo homogêneo de negociações sindicato/empresa do período estatal fragmentou-se, tornando as negociações geograficamente dispersas. De outro, a nova forma assumida no setor influencia as experiências vivenciadas no trabalho e o perfil dos trabalhadores e novos dirigentes sindicais: agora eles são mais jovens, com escolarização maior e de tipo diverso, e pior remunerados. Disto resulta em diferenças entre distintas gerações de sindicalistas quanto às interpretações do presente e do passado, bem como quanto às percepções sobre a legitimidade das práticas sindicais. Tais diferenças, quando somadas às imposições da reorganização das relações de trabalho no setor, resultam na mudança do padrão de negociação do sindicato, bem como na sua reorganização interna. O presente estudo analisa o impacto da privatização da TELESP nas atividades sindicais do SINTETEL de São Paulo, tendo em vista a conjunção de gerações de sindicalistas e sua influência na estratégia da instituição. Para a análise utilizaram-se entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes, acordos coletivos, material impresso pelo sindicato, estatutos e dados da RAIS/GAGED. / The restructuring of the Brazilian telecommunications sector that began in the mid-1990s with the dissolution of the state monopoly and the privatization of the Telebrás system in 1998, brought significant changes to the labor unions operating in this sector. Firstly, the clearly defined axis of union/corporate negotiations during the period of state ownership was fragmented, dispersing the negotiations geographically. Secondly, the changes in the sector have influenced the work experiences as well as the demographic composition of the workers and new union activists: today they are younger, with higher levels of education in diverse areas, and receive lower salaries. This results in differences between the distinct generations of union members in terms of their interpretations of the past and the present, as well as in their perceptions of the legitimacy of union practices. Such differences, when combined with the impositions of the reorganization of the labor relations in the sector, result in a change in the negotiating patterns of the union, as well as in its own internal reorganization. The present study analyzes the impact of the privatization of TELESP in the union activities of Sintetel in São Paulo, in light of the conjuncture of generations of union leaders and the influence of this conjuncture on negotiating strategies of the union. The analysis is based on interviews with both present and former union activists, collective agreements, printed materials from the unions, union bylaws, and data from the RAIS/CAGED databases.

Social media played a pivotal role during The Never Again MSD Movement. This study examines the communicative tools social media, specifically Twitter, provides its users in order to communicate and distribute information. Authors Evans, Twoney, and Talan describes Twitter as “a valuable tool because it allows for instant communication to a wide audience” (9). Twitter is a valuable tool for communication because it fosters an online space where activists utilize the following communication tools: conversation, community, connection, collaboration, and accessibility. The study describes how activists use those tools in the type of messages being communicated on digital spaces. Through a context analysis on tweets from 3 prominent leaders of the movement: Sarah Chadwick, David Hogg, and Cameron Kasky, common themes were identified. The data was collected from a 6 week period ranging from February 14th, 2018 - March 28th, 2018. The purpose of this study is to ultimately examine how activist communicate on online spaces during social movements. Twitter offers activists a series of communication tools such as community, accessibility, and collaboration. Activists use these tools to first communicate about a variety of different topics relating to the movement as well distribute information and encourage involvement from other users. The results from the analysis determined that there is indeed power in communicating your message in online spaces. The study concludes with these findings: social media, specifically Twitter, is represented as a communication tool. The leaders of the Never Again MSD Movement use those tools in a variety of different ways such as communicating their personal opinion, encouraging involvement as well as promoting collaboration, community, and accessibility. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2019. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Avec le soulèvement de 1946 (février-mars) débute en Égypte une crise politique qui dure jusqu’à la mise en place du système nassérien (1952-1954) où se mêlent velléités de changement social et d’indépendance. Les 18 et 19 janvier 1977, l’insurrection spontanée, contre la diminution des subventions publiques sur vingt-cinq produits de consommation, révèle le rejet massif du nouvel ordre moral que Sadate souhaite imposer. Les manifestants rappellent le Président de la République aux promesses nassériennes que la défaite de 1967 dans la guerre contre Israël a fait voler en éclat. Réflexion sur les façons de vivre et de transmettre l’expérience révolutionnaire, cette thèse présente, depuis Alexandrie, les épisodes insurrectionnels de 1946 et de 1977 qui ont secoué les grandes villes d’Égypte. Au travers d’une enquête orale auprès de militants alexandrins et des sources de nature diverses, les événements sont présentés tantôt sous l’angle du temps court, tantôt dans leur conjoncture.C’est à distance de la chronologie, dans les interstices des différents registres d’énonciation (témoignages et discours politiques, récit d’histoire ou de fiction, etc.), que cette thèse explore les traces du « trésor » : expérience collective de la liberté chère au poète René Char, « rejetée » par ceux qui la vivent une fois qu’elle se termine. On voit se dessiner des notions, des institutions et des expériences collectives au travers desquels se forgent, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, l’idée du changement social, de ses limites et les moyens par lesquels des personnes ordinaires peuvent y participer. / The uprising of 1946 (February-March) initiates a political crisis in Egypt that lasts until the implementation of the Nasserian system (1952-1954) and involves both hopes of social change and national independence. The spontaneous uprising that happens in January 18th and 19th 1977 against the reducing of price subsidies of 25 consuming products, reveals a massive rejection of the new moral order that Sadat wishes to impose. The demonstrators remind their President to the Nasserian promises that the 1967’s defeat in the war against Israel demolished.This thesis seeks to develop a reflexion on the ways of living and transmitting the revolutionary experience based on the events of the Egyptian urban uprisings of 1946 and 1977 from the point of view of Alexandria. It presents the events in the short time and in their conjunctures through an oral inquiry among Alexandrian activists and sources of several natures, as part of constant concern for documenting the effects of scale between individual history and collective history, as well as the historicity of insurrection.Away from linear chronology, in the interstices between the categories of expression (testimonies, stories and political discourses, history and fiction, etc.), this research explores the tracks of the “treasure”, a word that the poet Rene Char uses to describe a collective experience of liberty, rejected by whom lives it as soon as it ends. It reveals a network of notions, institutions and collective experiences which defines social change, its limits and the ways by which ordinary people get involved in it, through the second part of the XXth century.

The concept of climate change has been in the debate, not only at the international level, but also locally, for decades. However, activists around the world have come together to raise their voices and address once and for all the environmental crisis that we are facing today. In that sense, the following research analysed the voices of activists, and their network, in South Africa. With the aim to understand the formation of community-based adaptive capacities in relation to climate change, in communities. This Thesis was conducted as a case study in Bloemfontein, South Africa. The study included five semi-structured interviews directed to activist from Bloemfontein, as well as, secondary data conformed by five interviews conducted to members of the eco-building project ‘Qala Pheland Tala. Start Living Green’, and story-telling videos. As well as, the employment of participant observation, as part of the methodology. The study looked at climate change adaptability and resilience in different communities, based on the resilience theory proposed by Carl Folke. And itaimed to understand the influence that the activists’ network is having incommunity-based adaptation strategies to climate change. Further, the results were categorized with the framework that suggests a Resilience Model, as a set of networked adaptive capacities, designed by Norris et al. (2007). The analysis of the results concluded that the link between the activists’network and the communities, has helped to build adaptive capacities and resilient societies. At the same time, it proved that we need new strategies of action towards climate change, that foresee regenerative societies.

Abstract not available

In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.

Research on environmental advocacy has tended to focus on outcomes and achievements rather than the processes through which these are achieved. In addition, minimal research has attended in detail to the complexity of environmental advocacy, or explored measures to through which to enhance advocates’ prospects of success. The environment movement itself has given scarce attention to promoting the skills, abilities and predispositions that contribute to effective advocacy. Indeed, most environmental non-government organisations (ENGOs) in Australia appear to believe that scientific or expert knowledge will be sufficient to influence environmental decision-makers and consequently provide minimal training or education to enhance advocacy. This thesis is a response to these problems. It seeks to develop an understanding of, and model for, activist education and training in the Australian environment movement. The two main bodies of literature that inform the study are social movement and adult education literature. The former provides the context for the study. Social movement theorists present various explanations of how and why environmental activists work for change. These theorists also discuss the organisational structures and modes of operation typically adopted by activists. The second body of literature is utilised in this thesis to provide a synthesis of relevant educational orientations, traditions and practices. Popular, experiential and adult environmental education offer promising strategies for advocacy organisations that seek to enhance activists’ skills and abilities. The research questions posed in this study lie at the convergence of these two bodies of literature. Two empirical studies were undertaken during this inquiry. The first was conducted with the Queensland Conservation Council, an environmental advocacy organisation where the researcher was employed for five years. The study drew on methods and techniques associated with ethnography and action research to identify, implement and evaluate a range of interventions which aimed to educate and train advocates. Three cycles of inquiry generated useful insights into environmental advocacy and identified useful strategies through which advocacy may be enhanced. The second study, a case study based on interviews and observation, explored the Heart Politics movement. The ethnographic research methods utilised in this case study resulted in a rich description and critical appreciation of the strengths and weaknesses of Heart Politics gatherings as activist education. These two studies contributed to the development of a grounded and endogenous theory of education and training for environmental advocacy. This theory is based on a set of observations concerning the provision of activist education: (1) that most activist learning occurs informally and unintentionally through participation in social action such as environmental campaigns; (2) that this learning can be assessed according to a five-category framework and tends to favour specific categories including the development of social action and organisational development skills rather than alternative categories such as political analysis and personal development; (3) that this informal learning can be harnessed and enhanced through strategies which situate learning in the context of action and promote heightened awareness of the learning dimension of social action; and (4) that a key obstacle to education and training in the environment movement is a conspicuous lack of professional development or support for the people involved in facilitating and coordinating activist education activities and programs. These people are often volunteers and infrequently possess qualifications as educators or facilitators but are more likely to be seasoned activists. They tend to work in isolation as activist education activities are sporadic, geographically diffuse and ad hoc. These observations along with other insights acquired through participatory action research and ethnographic inquiry led to a set of conclusions, some of which have already been implemented or initiated during the course of this study. The first conclusion is that strategies to promote the professional development of activist educators may benefit from the development of texts tailored to the tactical orientations and political and other circumstances of Australian environmental advocacy groups. Texts, alone, are considered an inadequate response. The study also concludes that informal networks, formal and informal courses and other strategies to assist collaboration and peer learning among activist educators offer considerable benefits. Other conclusions pertain to the benefits of collaborating with adult educators and tertiary institutions, and professionals, to the relative merits of activist workshops and other forms of delivery, to the opportunities for activist training presented by regular environment movement gatherings and conferences and to the significant merits of promoting and supporting mentorship relationships between novice and experienced activists.

Thesis (M.S. in Community Research and Action)--Vanderbilt University, May 2007. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.