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The impact of multilateral trade agreements on intra-regional trade : the case of SADC and ECOWASOsarumwense, Uwakata Yvonne 02 1900 (has links)
This study examines the comparative impact of multilateral trade agreements on intra-regional trade in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) regions in Africa. Annual data was gathered from 2000 to 2018 and dynamic panel data and econometric techniques were used to control for individual country characteristics, endogeneity, serial correlation, heteroscedasticity and interdependencies between the countries in each region. Two estimations were done, one using the tariff measures of multilateral agreements, the second using non-tariff measures of multilateral agreement. The results of the empirical analysis show that the SADC region has a slight edge over ECOWAS in terms of technological progress and investment, especially in trade infrastructure. However, the ECOWAS levels of employment and economic growth are higher than those in the SADC region. These differences further translate into differences that drive intra-African trade in these regions, and how they relate to the role of multilateral agreements in intra-African trade in each of these regions. While technology and investment are key drivers and enhancers of intra-African trade in SADC countries, economic growth and employment stand out as key enhancers of intra-African trade in ECOWAS, especially where multilateral agreement is represented by tariff measures. This study reports that when non-tariff measures are used to represent multilateral agreements, export trade costs, in addition to investment and technology, are the key drivers of intra-African trade in SADC countries. For ECOWAS, under non-tariff measures of multilateral agreements, only economic growth drives intra-African trade. / Business Management / D. Phil. (Business Management)
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The SA-EU trade, development and co-operation agreement : democratising South Africa's trade policyBertelsmann-Scott, Talitha 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade
policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free
trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy
here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components
namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a
governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the
population.
The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the
developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the
final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement
(TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded,
South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the
free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to
complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of
opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA.
In the second section the internal process in developing a South African
negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not
South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic
manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign
trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are
advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct
investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with
western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise.
The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or
alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on
the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic
policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but
rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus.
Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the
bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether
they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves
have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to
a large extent democratic in nature.
However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy
formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of
international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like
the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade
Organisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse
handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie
(EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te
ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op
drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n
regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag
neem in beleidsformulering.
Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses
beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van
die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika
se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die
vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die
feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die
EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir
Suid-Afrikaners skep.
In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se
onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel
of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers
bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik
is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat
globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok.
Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat
verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande
as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te
demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van
die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide
binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van
keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne
fokus.
Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word
ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die
burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die
proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer
is.
Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse
beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk
deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale
organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom
het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en
ondersteuning.
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International trade in wine and geographical indications : common interests between the EU and South AfricaGrewlich, Jerome 04 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MScAgric)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: European-South African trade relations concerrnng wine and spirits are characterized by
various opportunities and, at the same time, a range of conflicts. The latter notably relates to
the dispute over geographical indications and designations of origin. Considering this
confusing amalgamation of discord and harmony, it is the purpose of this study, entitled
"International Trade in Wine and Geographical Indications - Common Interests between the
EU and South Africa", to understand the rationale for trade in wine from both sides of the
coin. Moreover, this research assesses possible multilateral and bilateral solutions for dealing
with trade frictions between the EU and South Africa and identifies common interests with a
view to establish a lasting foundation for blossoming trade in wine and sustained growth. The
underlying methodology is a qualitative interpretative approach and bases on insights into
modern marketing and international management theory.
On this basis the "objective" interests of the EU and South Africa in trade in wine are
analysed in order to assess the coming into existence of the Trade, Development and
Cooperation Agreement as well as the Wine and Spirits Agreement. Pivot of these trade
negotiations is the dispute on geographical indications, which is scrutinized by looking into
relevant chapters of the WTO and its TR.IPS Agreement. With regards to the Wine and Spirits
Agreement it is salient to ask whether it is economically and politically reasonable for South
Africa to accept a financial package from the EU to secure the 'voluntary' phasing out of a
number of trademarks and geographical indications. The study concludes with an outlook
regarding the globalisation of the world's wine market, potential future investment flows
between the EU and South Africa and the need for an effective marketing strategy in order to
become or remain global player in an increasing competitiveness caused by globalisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Europese en Suid-Afrikaanse handelsverhoudinge in wyn en spiritualieë word gekenmerk
deur verskeie geleenthede en terselfdertyd 'n reeks konflikte. Laasgenoemde hou merkbaar
verband met die twis oor geografiese indikatore en aanwysings van oorsprong. Gegewe
hierdie verwarrende tweedrag en harmonie, is die doel van hierdie studie, getiteld
"Internasionale Handel in Wyn en Geografiese Aanwysings - Gemeenskaplike belange tussen
die EU en Suid-Afrika", om die 'rationale' agter die wynhandel van twee kante te beskou.
Verder ondersoek hierdie navorsing moontlike multi- en bilaterale oplossings vir die
handelswrywing tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika en identifiseer gemeenskaplike belange met
die doelom 'n fondament te bou vir volhoubare groei in die wynhandel. Die onderliggende
metodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe verklarende benadering, gebaseer op insigte uit moderne
bemarkings- en bestuursteorie.
Op hierdie vlak word die 'objektiewe' belange van die EU en Suid-Afrika in die wynhandel
ontleed om gevolgtrekkings oor die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms
en die Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms te maak. Onderliggend aan hierdie onderhandelinge
is die twis oor geografiese aanwysings, wat noukeurig ondersoek is deur relevante hoofstukke
van die WHO Ooreenkoms en sy TRIPS-komponent te raadpleeg. Met verwysing na die
Wyn- en Spiritualieë- Ooreenkoms is dit voor die hand liggend om te vra of dit ekonomies en
polities verstandig vir Suid-Afrika is om 'n finansiële pakket van die EU te aanvaar in ruil vir
die vrywillige uitfasering van 'n aantal handelsmerke en geografiese aanwysings. Die studie
sluit af met '11" blik op globalisering van die wêreld se wynmarkte, die potensiële toekomstige
vloei van beleggings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika, en die behoefte aan 'n effektiewe
bemarkingsstrategie om 'n globale speler te word.
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The EU-SA wine and spirits agreement : implications for South AfricaVan Wyk, J. T. (Jacobus Tertius) 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the negotiating stages of the TOCA, the EU and South Africa could not
reach an agreement on the use of certain EU geographical indications related
to wine products. The geographical indication issue threatened the signing of
the entire TOCA. At the request of the EU, South Africa agreed to negotiate a
separate Wine and Spirits Agreement, in order to finalise the TOCA.
The EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement was eventually negotiated and came
into effect on 1 January 2002. The initial issue relating to the geographical
indications remained controversial throughout the negotiations and matters
were made worst when the initial contentious denominations of Port and
Sherry were expanded by the EU to include Grappa, Ouzo, Korn, Kornbrand,
Jagertee, Jaqertee, Jagatee and Pacharan. South Africa eventually agreed to
phase out the use of these denominations over specified time periods.
The current wording of the agreement will also result in South Africa having to
yield a variety of well known trade marks such as Nederburg and Roodeberg.
Article 7(8) of the Wine Agreement implies that in the case of conflict between
a South African wine trade mark and an EU geographical indication for wine,
the South African trade mark will always have to yield to the EU geographical
indication. The entire geographical indication matter is being contested by
South Africa and is still under negotiation. South Africa and the EU agreed to allocate reciprocal duty free tariff quotas to
wine products. These tariff quotas will remain effective until the FTA has been
established, following the transitional periods as agreed upon in the TOGA.
The duty free funds will however not have such a direct impact on the wine
industry as have been envisaged initially, because the funds are in the hands
of the EU importers. Various business plans are being implemented to allow
the South African wine industry to benefit from these and any future funds.
The EU offered financial assistance to the value of €15 million for the
restructuring of the South African wine industry as well as for the marketing of
the South African wine and spirits products. To date none of these funds have
been allocated and various proposals have been made to the South African
government in order to obtain these funds from the EU.
The EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement is a continuous evolving agreement,
where both parties are allowed to modify the existing agreement with the
consent of the other party. Such modifications are allowed with the premise
that it would contribute to the facilitation and promotion of trade in wine and
spirits products between South Africa and the EU.
South Africa must take cognisance of the implications of the
EU-SA Wine and Spirits Agreement and ensure that they do not end up
losing more than what they are gaining. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:
Sien volteks vir opsomming
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Suur druiwe? Wyn, die TDCA en Suid-AfrikaPenwarden, Mia 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free
trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement
(TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was
developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation
and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade
Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa
through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development
(EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best
possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the
manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for
the TDCA.
The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what
implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and
spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether
South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has
created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa
or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv)
who gains the most from the TDCA.
The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits
Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the
contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South
African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a
precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten
developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to
comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the
TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world
market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In
vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation
Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het.
Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale
samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep
van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur
die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction
and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in
eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en
Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die
beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding.
Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en
watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte
aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf
sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In
presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander
ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om
toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA.
Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie
van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het
nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat
reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA
te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in
onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele
ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In
die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die
TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die
wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.
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Prospects and challenges of the South Africa-Democratic Republic of Congo Trade and Investment Relations (2000-2014)Makhanikhe, Tshimangadzo Justice 05 1900 (has links)
MAAS / Department of Development Studies / See the attached abstract below
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