Thesis (PhD.) -- Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a biographical study of the life and contribution of Petrus Lafras Uys, a leading figure in the district of Uitenhage and later leader of the V oortrekkers. His actions are placed against the backdrop of the problems and grievances of the Afrikaner farmers in the districts of Swellendam and Uitenhage during the years 1815- 1837, and his interaction with other Voortrekker leaders after he had left the Cape Colony in 183 7 as leader of a Voortrekker party. Piet Uys, the son of Jacobus Johannes Uys and Susanna Margaretha Moolman, was christened in October 1797. He married his cousin, Alida Maria Uys, in the district of Swellendam in 1815. He settled in the ward Gamtoos River in the district of Uitenhage towards the end of 1825 or early in 1826. As an energetic Dutch farmer, the many grievances in connection with landownership contributed to his feelings of restlessness and dissatisfaction with his stay in the district of Uitenhage. The destabilization of the eastern borders and the conflict between white farmers and black groups led to feelings of insecurity. These feelings of insecurity became unbearable during the Sixth Border War of 1835 in which Uys fought honourably as field cornet. The requisitioning of horses, livestock and wagons by the government during this war and the lack of compensation, resulted in great financial losses for Uys and his family. Just as many other farmers, Piet Uys clashed with the government about the treatment of his slaves and labourers. The court case instituted against him and his wife by his indentured slave Rosina remained part of the complexity of grievances of the Uys family and friends for a considerable length of time. Piet Uys was one of the first frontier farmer leaders who showed an interest in the interior of the country as a possible establishment of a settlement. It is possible that he went on an expedition as early as 1829. Furthermore, Uys was also the organizer and leader of the well-known Reconnaissance Commission that undertook an expedition into Natal in September 1834. Uys left the district ofUitenhage as leader of a trek in April 1837, with the intention of emigrating to Natal. He was in conflict with the existing Voortrekker government and did not accept the governmental arrangements. Differences of opinion as to the route to be taken and the question of who should be the Voortrekker minister, became issues of conflict. Yet Uys did not hesitate to assist his fellow Voortrekkers in their hour of need. He also played a key role in the military. Thus it was that Uys, as eo-commander took part in the Campaign ofMarico against the Ndebele in November 1837. He was also, together with Hendrik Potgieter, commander of the punitive commando who set off against the Zulu in 183 8. During the Battle of Italeni, 11 April 183 8, Pi et Uys and his son, Dirk Comelis, were mortally wounded. After his death, his family and friends settled in Natal. Many members of his family held important positions in public life and in the military in Natal, and later in the Republic of South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif is 'n biogra:fiese studie oor die lewe en hydrae van Petrus Lafras Uys as leiersfiguur in die distrik Uitenhage en as latere Voortrekkerleier. Uys se optrede word geplaas teen die agtergrond van die probleme en griewe van die Afrikanerboere in die distrikte Swellendam en Uitenhage in die jare 1815-1837 en sy interaksie met ander Voortrekkerleiers nadat hy in 1837 die Kaapkolonie as leier van 'n trekgeselskap verlaat het. Piet Uys is in Oktober 1797 as 'n kind van Jacobus Johannes Uys en Susanna Margaretha Moolman gedoop. Hy is in 1815 in die distrik Swellendam met sy niggie, Alida Maria Uys, getroud. Hy het horn teen die einde van 1825 ofvroeg in 1826 in die wyk Gamtoosrivier van die distrik Uitenhage gevestig. As 'n energieke Afrikanerboer het verskeie griewe in verband met grondbesit tot Uys se gevoel van rusteloosheid en ontevredenheid met sy bestaan in die distrik Uitenhage bygedra. Die destabilisasie van die oosgrens en die konflik tussen blanke boere en swart groepe het tot 'n gevoel van onveiligheid by horn aanleiding gegee. Hierdie gevoel van onveiligheid het 'n hoogtepunt tydens die Sesde Grensoorlog van 1834- 1835 bereik. Uys het met onderskeiding as veldkornet aan die oorlog deelgeneem. Die opkommandering van perde, vee en waens deur die regering tydens die oorlog en die gebrek aan vergoeding daarvoor het veroorsaak dat Uys en sy familielede finansiele verliese gely het. Soos talle mede-grensboere het Piet Uys met die regering gebots oor die behandeling van sy slawe en arbeiders. Die hofsaak wat Uys se ingeboekte slavin, Rosina, teen horn en sy eggenote aanhangig gemaak het, het lank deel van die griewekompleks van die Uyse en hulle vriende gebly. Piet Uys was een van die eerste grensboerleiers wat 'n belangstelling in die binneland as 'n moontlike vestigingsplek getoon het. Hy het moontlik reeds in 1829 'n tog na die binneland onderneem. V erder was Uys die organiseerder en leier van die bekende verkenningskommissie wat in September 1834 'n tog na Natal onderneem het. Uys het in April 1837 as leier van 'n trek die distrik Uitenhage verlaat met die doel om na Natal te emigreer. Hy het in konflik met die bestaande Voortrekkerregering getree en nie die bestuursreelings aanvaar nie. V erskille oor die trekrigting en die Voortrekkerleraar het ook na vore getree. Tog het Uys nie geskroom om sy mede-emigrante in tye van nood te help nie en veral op militere gebied 'n groot rol gespeel. So byvoorbeeld het Uys as mede-bevelvoerder aan die Marico-veldtog teen die Ndebele in November 1837 deelgeneem. Piet Uys was ook saam met Hendrik Potgieter die mede-bevelvoerder van die strafkommando wat in April 1838 teen die Zulu uitgetrek het. In die slag van ltaleni op 11 April 1838 het Piet Uys en sy seun, Dirk Cornelis, die lewe gelaat. Na sy dood het sy vriende en familielede hulle in Natal gevestig. Verskeie van Uys se familielede het 'n vername rol in die openbare lewe en op militere gebied in Natal en later in die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek gespeel.

Thesis (BEd)--Stellenbosch University, 1939. / INLEIDING: Die onderwys in Suid-Afrika het baie langsaam vooruitgegaan. Die Engelse Goeweneurs aan die Kaap was oor die algemeen onbekwaam en was buitendien so besig met politieke aangeleenthede dat hulle nouliks aandag kon gee a an die opvoeding. Daarom is dit dadelik opvallend wanneer ons 'n Goewaneur kry wat ook vir die geestelike belange van die bevolking 'n ope oog gehad het. So 'n Goeweneur was Sir George Grey, 'n man wat besonder bevoeg was en wat in alle rigtings baie vir Suid-Afrika gedoen het.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a socio-cultural history of the sport of surfing from 1959 to the 2000s in South Africa. It critically engages with the “South African Surfing History Archive”, collected in the course of research, by focusing on two inter-related themes in contributing to a critical sports historiography in southern Africa. The first is how surfing in South Africa has come to be considered a white, male sport. The second is whether surfing is political. In addressing these topics the study considers the double whiteness of the Californian influences that shaped local surfing culture at “whites only” beaches during apartheid. The racialised nature of the sport can be found in the emergence of an amateur national surfing association in the mid-1960s and consolidated during the professionalisation of the sport in the mid-1970s. Within these trends, the making and maintenance of an exemplar white surfing masculinity within competitive surfing was linked to national identity. There are three counter narratives to this white, male surfing history that have been hidden by that same past. Firstly, the history women’s surfing in South Africa provides examples of girl localisms evident within the masculine domination of the surf. Herein submerged women surfer voices can be heard in the cultural texts and the construction of surfing femininities can be seen within competitive surfing. Secondly, surfing’s whiteness was not outside of the political. The effects of the international sports boycott against apartheid for South African surfing were two-fold: international pressure on surfing as a racialised sport led to sanctions in the late 1970s against the amateur national surfing teams competing internationally or maintaining international sporting contacts; and, as of 1985, the boycott by professional surfers of events on the South African leg of the world surfing tour further deepened South African surfing’s sports isolation. By the end of the 1980s, white organised surfing was in crisis and the status of South African as a surfing nation in question. Lastly, the third counter-narrative is the silenced histories of black surfing under apartheid. Alongside individual black surfer histories, the non-racial surfing movement in the mid-to-late 1980s is considered as a political and cultural protest against white organised surfing. The rationale for non-racial sport was challenged in 1990 as South Africa began its political transition to democracy. Nevertheless, the South African Surfing Union, the national non-racial surfing body, played a pivotal role in surfing’s unification in 1991 which led to South African amateur surfing’s return to international competition in 1992. However, it was an uneasy unity within organised surfing that set the scene for surfing development as a strategy for sports transformation in the post-apartheid years. The emergence of black surfing localisms after 1994 is located within that history, with attention given to the promotion of young, male Zulu surfers within competitive surfing, which point to emergent trends in the Africanisation of surfing in the 2000s. It is concluded is that while cultural change in South African surfing is evident in the post-apartheid present, that change is complicated by surfing’s gendered and apartheid sporting pasts. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is ‘n sosio-kulturele studie oor die geskiedenis van die sport van branderplankry in Suid-Afrika vanaf omstreeks 1959 tot 2000. Dit behels onder meer ‘n kritiese bespreking van die “Suid-Afrikaanse Branderplank Argief” wat in die loop van navorsing opgebou is. Daar word veral op twee temas in kritiese sport historiografie in suidelike Afrika gefokus. Die eerste is die wyse hoe branderplankry in Suid-Afrika as ‘n wit manlike sport ontwikkel het. Die tweede is of branderplankry as polities beskou kan word. Hierdie onderwerpe word onder die loep geneem deur te let op die dubbele witheid van Kaliforniese invloede wat die plaaslike kultuur op “slegs blanke” strande onder apartheid help vorm het. Die rasgebonde aard van die sport kan gevind word in die totstandkoming van die amateur nasionale branderplank vereniging in in die middel 1960s en is gekonsolideer met die professionalisering van die sport in die middel 1970s. Vervat in hierdie verwikkelinge is die vorming en instandhouding van ‘n besondere tipe manlikheid wat as ‘n ideaal tipe voorgehou is en deurmiddel van mededingende branderplank kompetisies aan ‘n nasionale identitieit gekoppel is. Daar is drie kontra narratiewe tot hierdie wit manlike geskiedenis wat deur dieselfde verlede verberg is. Eerstens is daar die geskiedenis van vroue branderplankry wat blyke gee van plaaslike vroue se betrokkenheid in dié oorheersende manlike domein. Gedempte vrouestemme klink op in kulturele tekste en die konstruksie van vroulike identiteite binne mededingende kompetisies.Tweedens was branderplankry se witheid nie onverwant aan die politieke dimensie nie. Die uitwerking van die internasionale sportsboikot teen apartheid was tweeledig: internasionale druk op branderplankry as ‘n rasgebonde sport het in die laat 1970s tot sanksies teen amateur spanne gelei wat oorsee meegeding het of internasionale kontakte gehad het, en sedert 1985 het die boikot van professionele branderplankryers van kompetisies in Suid-Afrika die land se isolasie verdiep. Teen die einde van die 1980s was wit georganiseerd branderplankry in ‘n krisis en die status van van Suid-Afrika as ‘n branderplankry nasie in die gedrang. Laastens is die derde kontra narratief die vergete geskiedenisse van swart branderplankryers onder apartheid. Samehangend met swart geskiedenisse word die nie-rassige branderplankry beweging in die middel 1980s as ‘n kulturele en politieke protes beskou. Die rasionaal vir nie-rassige sport is in 1990 uitgedaag tydens die oorgang na volledige demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. Desnieteenstaande het die Suid-Afrikaans Branderplankry Vereniging ‘n bepalende rol gespeel in organisatoriese eenwording in die sport en die hertoelating tot internasionale kompetisies in 1992. Dit was egter ‘n ongemaklike eenheid waarop transformasie gedurende die postapartheid fase gebou moes word. Die groter teenwoordigheid van plaaslike swart branderplankryers moet in dié konteks gesien word, veral ten opsigte van jong Zoeloe ryers wat alhoemee navore tree en op die Afrikanisering van die sport sedert ongeveer 2000 dui. Daar word ten slotte op gewys dat hoewel kulturele verandering in die huidige bedeling merkbaar is, die sport se geslagtelike en rasgebonde verlede nog steeds sake kompliseer.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 1934. / No Abstract Available

This study examines the role of law in the constitution and contestation of state power in African history. Using Zimbabwe as a case study, it analyses legal struggles between Africans and the state, and amongst Africans themselves between 1950 and 1990. In doing so it intervenes in a number of scholarly debates on the relationship between law, state power and agency in African history. Firstly, I examine the role of law in constituting state power by exploring the interplay between legitimation and coercion in long term perspective. Secondly, I interrogate legal centralism as an approach to understanding developments in the legal sphere in African history and make the case for legal pluralism as a more appropriate approach. I argue that during the period under study, Zimbabwe witnessed a process of evolving legal pluralism characterised by the mutual appropriation of forms, symbols and concepts between state law and the ‘customary law’. Thirdly, I contribute to the debate on African legal agency by demonstrating that its significance went beyond the utility of the law in specific social, economic and political struggles. I argue that it also gave expression to emergent political imaginaries, shifting ideas of personhood and alternative visions of the social and political order. Lastly, I argue that, by undertaking a historical examination of legal struggles, this study provides a useful foundation from which to analyse contemporary legal struggles in Zimbabwe and in Africa more generally. The findings presented here caution against being drawn in by the apparent novelty of contemporary legal struggles. In addition, they suggest the means by which human rights discourse in Africa might be reinvigorated.

This thesis provides an account of the work of Canadian organizations that took part in the global anti-apartheid movement and then continued political advocacy work in South Africa post-1994. My central research question is: What explains the rise and fall of international solidarity movements? I answer this question by exploring the factors that allowed the Canadian anti-apartheid network to grow into an international solidarity movement and explaining how a change in these factors sent the network into a period of decline post-1994. I use two organizations, the United Church of Canada and CUSO, as case studies for my analysis. I argue that four factors were behind the growth of the Canadian solidarity network: the presence of large CSOs in Canada willing to become involved in solidarity work, the presence of radical spaces in these organizations from which activists could advocate for and carry out solidarity work, the frame resonance of the apartheid issue in Canada and the political incentives the apartheid state provided for South African activists to encourage Northern support. Post-1994 all of these factors shifted in ways that restricted the continuation of international solidarity work with South Africa. Accordingly I argue that the decline of the Canadian network was driven in part by specific South African factors, but was also connected to a more general stifling of the activist work of progressive Canadian CSOs over the 1990s. This reduction of capacity was driven by the ascent of neo-liberal policy in Canada and worldwide. Using examples from a wide swath of cases I outline this process and explain how all four factors drove the growth and decline of Canadian solidarity work towards South Africa.

This thesis is a family history of Silas Molema and his three children from the late 1880s to the late 1920s. The Molemas were a family of devout Methodists and educated chiefs in Mafikeng north of British Bechuanaland (part of the Cape colony in 1895) but they held extensive landholdings across the border in the Bechuanaland Protectorate. The thesis explores education, landholding and political office as strategies through which the Molemas attempted to maintain their position of class, status and power. Chiefs perceived formal annexation by Britain in 1885 also as opportunity to pursue greater self-determination, preserve the institutions of chiefly rule, and sustain respectable livelihoods. These aspirations had come to be experienced and understood as sechuana, which was a fluid reconstruction of tradition that helped Molemas and other Bechuana notables straddle incongruous cultural spheres along a racially and ethnically diverse colonial frontier. The thesis argues that nationhood was a key identification through which Molemas and other educated Bechuana saw themselves, and considers why they imagined their nation within the British Empire. The thesis also points to the various historical transformations and private entanglements that enmeshed various conceptions of nationhood into the everyday experience of the family as an emotive and socialising institution. These sentiments of nationhood profoundly shaped this family’s self-understanding, and mediated the choices children made about work, marriage and other significant relationships. The challenge to transfer inherited privilege across generations shaped identities, intersected with the reconfiguration of the local political economy, and impinged upon structural transformations in southern Africa.

This thesis examines the role of missionaries, the colonial government, and leprosy patients in the formation of leprosy settlements in Uganda, from the first inception of the settlements in 1927, until 1951 when the nature of leprosy control in Uganda changed, with the government appointment of a Protectorate leprologist and the creation of more treatment centres. It focuses on four leprosy settlements opened between 1930 and 1934 by the Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS) and the British and Irish Catholic Franciscan Missionary Sisters for Africa (FMSA) and Mill Hill Mission (MHM). Firstly, this thesis explores the ways in which the differing goals, ideologies, and resources of the Protestant CMS and the Catholic FMSA and MHM shaped the formation of and social environment within leprosy settlements in a highly Christianised and denominationally divided Uganda. Secondly, it examines the relationship between the CMS and Franciscan leprosy missions and the government, exploring the cooperation and conflict that their spiritual and medical priorities had upon the social lives of patients within Uganda’s leprosy settlements. Thirdly, this thesis assesses the extent to which missionaries consciously endeavoured to engineer a social environment for leprosy patients within settlements that conformed to their ideal of Christianised, modern African communities, as well the roles that healthy and leprous Ugandans chose to play in response to these attempts at social engineering. Missionaries and Ugandan leprosy patients had different priorities, but far from being passive receptacles of the ‘civilising’ mission, most leprosy patients were active agents in pursuing their own medical, social, and economic priorities through life in the settlements.

In this thesis I explore instances of literary engagement with the major transitions in national political formation in Malawi and South Africa; both countries moved from a totalitarian regime to democratic government, brought in by multi-party elections, in 1994. Most analyses of the wave of democratic transitions in Southern Africa are either historical, political or economic in their approach. The shift of political power from one constituency to another also requires another kind of study, of the impact of the political changes on lived experience through an analysis of people's creative expression. The artistic expressions of the experi nce of change are at times strikingly similar in the two countries, especially how artists imagine newness and simultaneously negotiate a past which was subject to repression. Literature is important in this political process, for it has a licence to reinterpret conventional representations and dominant narratives, often through fictionalising and creating new imaginative possibilities. I consider whether literary production in Malawi and South Africa is comparable in the light of this idea, despite the obvious differences in political configuration, geographic factors and levels of industrialisation and urbanisation, and ask whether political transition is a legitimate point of departure for interpreting literature. In the process I seek to identify similarities, and even overt influences or alliances between the literary practices in Malawi and South Africa during and since the transition. I analyse a wide variety of literary forms, some of which may transgress conventional definitions of 'literature'. Examples include the reader-contributions sent in to a newspaper's literary pages by its readers and the two historical accounts of women's experience. I discuss the porous distinction between fiction and history, realism and magic realism, as well as the subjective distinctions between formal and popular literature. The ambiguity of the title of my thesis therefore conveys the fact that the more established modes of literary interpretation are themselves also currently in transition. My intention here is not to argue what kind of literature is good or bad, valuable or trivial, but to discuss and interpret contextually the kinds of literature which are being produced and published. Chapter 1 of my thesis discussesth e work of JackM apanje and Nadine Gordimer, two 'veterans' of censorship under their respective regimes, suggesting how their writing has changed with freedom of expression. With the transition came experimentation and a wave of writing on fantastical, magical and irrational subjects. The writers discussed in Chapter 2 serve as a contrast to the engaged realism of Gordimer and to some extent, Mapanje. Steve Chimombo, Lesego Rampolokeng, Seitlhamo Motsapi and Zakes Mda convey a burlesque, transgressive style, which I discuss, drawing on Bakhtin, under the eading 'carnivalesque'. Chapter 3's emphasis on newspaper literature from Malawi reflects the importance of the form in contrast to South Africa where popular writing largely finds its main outlet in literary journals and magazines rather than in daily newspapers. Chapters 4 and 5 are related in their considerations of memory and searches for truth. In Chapter 4 Antjie Krog and Emily Mkamanga challenge the distinction between literary and factual chronicle in their woman-centred accounts of the past. The final chapter discusses two texts that are overtly literary, yet function in a mode of mourning and reflection, returning from the bustle of the present moment to a continuing, necessary reflection of the past which defines the new present. I conclude by suggesting that the comparative analysis is viable and enriching and that this study of literature from societies in transition demonstrates how poetry and fiction tell stories of history.

As the first analytic history of Ethiopian medicine, this thesis explores the interchange between the institutional development of a national medical network and the lived experiences of women as patients and practitioners of medicine from the years 1940-1975. Using birth and gender as mechanisms to explore the nation's public health history allows me to pursue alternative threads of enquiry: I ask questions not only about state activities and policy pursuits, but also about the relevance and acceptance of those actions in the lives of the citizenry. This thesis is also the first medical history of a non-colonial African country, opening up new questions about the role of non-Western actors in the expansion of Western medicine in the twentieth century. I explore the ways in which the exceptional history of Ethiopia can be couched in existing narratives of African modernity, medicine, and birth history. Issues of local agency and the creation of new social elites in the pursuit of modernity are all pertinent to the case of Ethiopia. Through both extensive archival research and oral interviews of nearly 200 participants in Haile Selassie's medical campaigns, I argue that the extent to which the imperial medical project in Ethiopia 'succeeded' was highly predicated on pre-existing conditions of gender, class, and geography.