The Post-colonial era trade relations between Europe and Africa, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries has been regulated by a number of economic cooperation agreements, namely the Yaoundé, Lomé, and Cotonou Conventions to the current Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) that had recently been concluded in the ECOWAS and SADC sub regions respectively. The EPAs negotiations have been marred with challenges particularly in Africa; with many countries having responded by not signing Interim EPAs and Nigeria has also stated they will not be concluding the EPA. Nigeria and South Africa have responded to the current negotiations in differing ways nonetheless their responses were somewhat similar. This study will attempt to understand and systematically explain Nigeria’s and South Africa’s positions on the EPAs negotiations process. In order to gain the understanding the study investigates whether EPAs negotiations stalled due to the influence and/or responses of Nigeria and South Africa? The factors involved in the negotiations that may explain the responses. What consequences the principle of reciprocity has on the responses Nigeria and South Africa? This research is going to be desk research using process tracing to systematically analyse the development of the negotiations between the EC and ACP countries particular attention being afforded to Africa and the resulting responses by Nigeria and South Africa. Some of the findings are that in the case of South Africa the principle of reciprocity was not a major factor in shaping South Africa’s responses to the negotiations, whereas the opposite holds true for Nigeria. Regional integration played a major part in the case of Nigeria. / MT2016

A research report submitted to graduate School of Social Sciences of University of the Witwatersrand in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master International Relations in Department of International Relations University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg February 2017 / Manufacturing and International trade are key concept between advanced and developing countries for growth. However, developing countries on the path of industrialization are perceived to have a gloomy future regarding their trade patterns and strategies because these countries are schizophrenic about the liberalization of the trade policy to protect their industry. The purpose of this research report is to analyze this fogginess on the path of newly industrialized countries by observing the similarities and differences between Turkey and South Africa export patterns and strategies. The study covers South African and Turkey export conducted only in 2015. Both countries’ patterns and strategies are analyzed with data based descriptive statistic embodied by the author. We use various indexes from the literature and develop some original indexes as our own contributions. We classified the export commodities based on: (1) Natural Resource, (2) Low-Tech Manufacturing, (3) High-Tech Manufacturing. / MT2018

This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.

There has been a long search for the keys to development and economic growth in Africa. This study investigates the relationship between FDI and economic growth over the period 2000-2012 using data from 48 African countries. On the aggregate regional level FDI and economic growth were found to be positively correlated during this period. Using panel data econometric techniques and the Panel Granger Causality test, results revealed that a bi-directional causality relationship existed between FDI and GDP. Thus, the results suggest that GDP is a requirement for increased investment, and at the same time is the result of increased foreign investment. Thus, the conclusion is that African policy makers are justified in increasing their attempts to create an attractive business environment for foreign investors, as it is beneficial for economic growth.

This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.

Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African automotive industry has enjoyed unsurpassed growth over the past 15 years and the majority of its successes are attributable to the efforts of the Motor Industry Development Plan (MIDP). Unfortunately, the MIDP cannot be a permanent solution for accelerating growth and the longevity of industry role players such as vehicles and component manufacturers is of great concern. The Chinese automotive industry on the other hand is booming and millions of vehicles are churned out annually. Internal market forces, overproduction and government initiatives compel Chinese manufacturers to cross the Chinese borders in search of alternative and mostly less developed markets for their motor vehicles. These vehicles can now be found in most African countries south of the Sahara, including various brands on the South African roads. South Africa's roads accommodate almost a hundred models against which the Chinese vehicles need to compete. What is attractive about the Chinese vehicles is their price, but unfortunately the vehicle quality is not up to standard yet. Chinese vehicles have however improved so much over the past few years that it is expected they will soon be able to compete with well-established local brands such as Toyota, Volkswagen, Honda, etc. Although the price tag of these vehicles is increasing the mobility of the average South African consumer, the effect it might have on the existing automotive market is uncertain as the Chinese vehicle has already proven to gain market share in a declining economy. So where the average consumer will benefit from the Chinese vehicle, the industry workforce might not be so lucky. It is thus crucial for the industry to establish ways to create international dependence on South Africa's automotive industry. The opportunities are endless and various management approaches can be taken to leverage the industry's shortfalls. A serious shortfall is the global shortage of innovators and as South Africa is known as one of the most innovative countries in the world, it could easily gear itself in supplying innovating concepts and leading-edge technology to the global industry. To be able to do so successfully requires a concerted effort of all role players in the local industry. The local industry needs to expand its reach into the world to guarantee its longevity. Possible ways of doing so are to increase the level of value-adding activities and so too the exportation of value-adding components and fully built-up vehicles. By proving itself as a value-adding strategic partner, the industry can attract additional global manufacturers to invest in manufacturing facilities in South Africa, which does not exclude Chinese manufacturers. Last but not least, the South African government needs to develop a manageable instrument with a single objective, which is to grow and sustain an internationally competitive automotive industry in order to attract and keep global investors within the industry and the country. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Suid-Afrikaanse motorindustrie het ongekende groei ervaar oor die afgelope 15 jaar en die suksesse daarvan word grotendeels toegeskryf aan die Motor Industrie Ontwikkelings Plan (MIDP). Ongelukkig kan die MIDP nie die permanente oplossing wees om die groei van die industrie aan te hou stimuleer en versnel nie. Die toekomstige lewensvatbaarheid van huidige spelers in die industrie wek egter groot kommer. Die Chinese motorindustrie aan die ander kant bars uit sy nate en miljoene motors word jaarliks vervaardig. So is dit ook dat interne markkragte, oorproduksie en regeringsinisiatiewe Chinese motorvervaardigers dwing om oor hul grense heen te gaan op soek na ander, minder ontwikkelde markte vir hul motors. Hierdie motors kan nou in meeste Afrika lande suid van die Sahara gevind word en sluit in talle modelle op Suid-Afrikaanse paaie. Die Suid-Afrikaanse paaie akkommodeer tans amper 'n honderd motormodelle teen wie die Chinese motors sal moet kompeteer. Wat egter aantreklik is van hierdie motors is hul prys, maar ongelukkig is die kwaliteit nog nie op standaard nie. Chinese motors het egter oor die jare so verbeter dat dit verwag kan word dat hul binnekort met meer bekende make soos Toyota, Volkswagen en Honda sal kan kompeteer. Alhoewel die besonderse prys van die motors die mobiliteit van die gemiddelde Suid Afrikaanse verbruiker verhoog, is die effek daarvan op die huidige motormark onseker omdat Chinese motors alreeds bewys het dat hut markaandeel kan wen in 'n dalende ekonomie. So waar die gemiddelde verbruiker mag bevoordeel word deur die Chinese voertuig, kan die werkersmag in die huidige motorindustrie nie so gelukkig daaraantoe wees nie. Dit is dus van kardinale belang dat die industrie maniere vestig om internasionale afhanklikheid van Suid-Afrika se motorindustrie te kweek. Die geleenthede is legio en talle invalshoeke kan geneem word om die industrie se tekortkominge te bestuur en uit te balanseer. 'n Belangrike tekortkoming is die globale tekort aan innoveerders en omdat Suid-Afrika gesien word as een van die mees innoverende lande ter wereld, kan die industrie maklik voorberei word om innoverende konsepte en baanbrekerstegnologie aan die globale industrie te verskaf. Om so iets suksesvol te doen het egter die gesamentlike insette nodig van alle rolspelers in die Suid-Afrikaanse motorindustrie. So ook het die industrie dit nodig om sy wereldwye impak te vergroot om sodoende sy lewensvatbaarheid te vergroot. Moontlike maniere om dit te vermag is om die aantal waardetoevoegende aktiwiteite te vergroot asook die uitvoere van waardetoevoegende komponente en klaarvervaardigde voertuie. As die industrie hom self kan bewys as 'n strategiese vennoot wat waarde toevoeg, kan die industrie addisionele internasionale vervaardigers aantrek om te investeer in vervaardigingsfasiliteite in Suid-Afrika, wat natuurlik nie Chinese vervaardigers uitsluit nie. Ten laaste is dit nodig vir die Suid-Afrikaanse regering om 'n bestuursinstrument te ontwikkel met een doel voor oe en dit is om die industrie se internasionale kompeterendheid te bevorder en te behou sodat globale investeerders in die industrie en Suid-Afrika in geheel kan investeer.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Bruce Sherr, commodities research expert, asked the question: "What are the three things that drive global agriculture today?" "China, China, China", he quoted in answering his own question. China has 1,2 billion people with tremendous purchasing power and has maintained an economical growth rate of more than 8% over the past five years. All indications are that this growth rate will be sustained in the immediate future. This naturally makes China an export market worth considering. The South African citrus industry underwent material changes during 1997, which lead to the deregulation of a single marketing structure from the 1st of January 1998 that previously forced citrus producers to deliver all their citrus for export to Outspan, now Capespan. This caught the majority of citrus producers off-guard, as they suddenly had to decide among numerous agents/buyers who joined the industry as role players. A few of the smaller citrus producers even embarked on the direct marketing of their citrus to cut out the "middle man" in an attempt to save costs and negotiate higher prices, with mixed results. It is generally believed that better prices can be achieved by embarking on a direct marketing strategy, but is the process really that simple? This study will investigate the possible exportation of citrus to the People's Republic of China (PRC) by analysing the Chinese market as citrus exports to China has yielded acceptable returns in the past and is certainly an export market to consider. The analysis of the Chinese market will be followed by the broad design of an export marketing plan for citrus to the PRC using a medium sized citrus export company as an example. In conclusion and as a summary certain important issues impacting specifically on the export of South African citrus to the PRC will be addressed and the findings on the viability of implementing an export strategy for citrus to the PRC recommended. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Bruce Sherr, 'n kenner op die gebied van navorsing van kommoditeite het eendag die vraag gevra: "Watter drie dinge dryf die wêreldlandbou deesdae?" "China, China, China" het hy self sy vraag geantwoord. China beskik oor 1,2 biljoen inwoners met 'n ongelooflike koopkrag en handhaaf 'n ekonomiese groeikoers van meer as 8% per jaar oor die laaste 5 jaar. Alle aanduidings is dat hierdie groeikoers volhou sal word vir die afsienbare toekoms. Hierdie feite maak van China 'n vanselfsprekende mark om te oorweeg vir die uitvoer van produkte. Die Suid-Afrikaanse sitrusbedryf het geweldige veranderings ondervind gedurende 1997, wat gelei het tot die afskaffing van 'n een-kanaalbemarkingstruktuur vir sitrus vanaf 1 Januarie 1998, wat voorheen sitrusprodusente verplig het om alle sitrus vir die uitvoermark aan Outspan, nou Capespan, te lewer. Hierdie wysiging het die meeste sitrusprodusente onkant gevang wat skielik 'n keuse moes maak tussen die menigte agente/kopers wat tot die Suid-Afrikaanse sitrusbedryf toegetree het. Sommige van die kleiner sitrusprodusente het selfs hul hand aan direkte bemarking gewaag in 'n poging om die "middelman" uit te skakel in 'n poging om koste te bespaar en hoër pryse te beding, met gemengde welslae. Daar word algemeen geglo dat hoër pryse behaal sal kan word deur 'n direkte bemarkingstrategie te volg, maar is die proses werklik so eenvoudig? Hierdie studie sal die moontlike uitvoer van sitrus na die Peoples Republic of China (PRC) ondersoek deur die Chinese mark te analiseer, aangesien sitrusuitvoere na China in die verlede 'n aanvaarbare opbrengs gelewer het, wat dit sekerlik 'n uitvoermark maak om te oorweeg. Die analise van die Chinese mark sal opgevolg word deur die breë ontwerp van 'n uitvoerbemarkingsplan vir sitrus na die PRC deur 'n mediumgrootte sitrusuitvoermaatskappy te neem as voorbeeld. Ter afsluiting en opsomming sal sekere belangrike aspekte wat 'n invloed kan uitoefen op die uitvoer van Suid-Afrikaanse sitrus na die PRC aangespreek word en sal daar 'n finale bevinding gemaak word oor die lewensvatbaarheid van die implimentering van 'n uitvoerbemarkingstrategie vir sitrus na die PRC.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China and Africa's increased interaction over the past decade has received attention from the media, academics, economists and politicians alike. The rise of China as a potential world economic power has sparked both concern and suspicion. Concern over China's impact in African states has been voiced by Western and African leaders. The Chinese economy has experienced robust growth since embarking on ambitious reforms to open up its economy to outside investment and trade, as well as policies geared towards encouraging Chinese enterprises to go abroad. China's rise in importance in the international arena has led to increased scrutiny of its foreign policies and internal policies. In order to gain a balanced view of China's engagement in African states it is necessary to examine the various components of their involvement. This thesis has chosen to focus on CADFund as its main unit of analysis, and has illustrated that the Fund fulfils both a political and economic role in China's relations with Africa. This study will explore the political and economic motivations behind China's interest in Africa. Conclusions are drawn from the structural organisation, investment approaches and projects of CADFund. The way in which CADFund fits into China‟s Africa policy will be determined by looking at the Fund's activities and how they fit into the principles set out in China's Africa Policy. The main question posed by this study was regarding the role which CADFund plays in China’s Africa Policy. The mandate of the Fund is to provide funding and advisory and support services to Chinese enterprises wishing to invest in African states. With 60 completed projects to date, the Fund has arguably indeed helped to progress the Chinese government's goal of encouraging Chinese enterprises to invest in Africa. Recommendations for future research are encouraged in order to build on this specific field. For example, more extensive research could be pursued concerning CADFund linkages with the Chinese government. Together with this, questions regarding the perceived effectiveness of CADFund could also be addressed – specifically by investigating how projects are managed and monitored by CADFund. In these follow-up explorations, theoretical frameworks such as the “principle-agent theory” could also be incorporated as frameworks with which to view CADFund‟s relationship with the Chinese government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China en Afrika se verhoogde interaksie oor die afgelope dekade het baie aandag van die media, akademici, ekonome en politici ontvang. Die opkoms van China as 'n potensiële wêreld ekonomiese mag, het gelei tot beide agterdog en kommer. Kommer oor China se invloed binne Afrika state is geopper deur Westerse sowel as Afrika leiers. Die Chinese ekonomie het ongekende groei beleef sedert hul vertek op ambisieuse hervormings, om hul ekonomie meer vry en oop te maak vir buitelandse belegging en handel, sowel as beleid hervormings wat daarop gemik is om Chinese ondernemings oorsee te bevorder. China se opkoms as 'n belangrike moondheid op internasionale gebied, het gelei to nadere ondersoek van sy buitelandse beleide. Om 'n gebalanseerde beeld van China se betrokkenheid in Afrikastate te kry, is dit noodsaaklik om verskeie komponente van hul betrokkenheid te ondersoek. Hierdie tesis kies om te fokus op China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds (CADFund) as die vernaamste eenheid van analise en beskryf beide die fonds se politieke sowel as 'n ekonomiese rol in China se betrekkinge met Afrika. Hierdie studie sal die politieke en ekonomiese beweegredes agter China se belange in Afrika verken. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak van strukturele organisasie, belegging benaderings en projekte van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. Die manier waarop China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds by China se Afrika-beleid inpas, sal vasgestel word deur te kyk na die fonds se aktiviteite en hoe hulle by die neergelegde beginsels van China se Afrika-beleid inpas. Die belangrikste vraag wat hierdie studie stel, is met betrekking tot die rol wat China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds in China se Afrika-beleid speel. Die mandaat van die fonds is om finasiering, raadgewende en ondersteunende dienste aan Chinese ondernemings te bied wat in Afrika-state wil belê. Met 60 voltooide projekte tot op datum, het die fonds inderdaad gehelp om by te dra tot die Chinese regering se doelwit om Chinese ondernemings aan te moedig om in Afrka te belê. Aanbevelinge vir toekomstige navorsing word aangemoedig om voort te bou op hierdie spesifieke gebied. Byvoorbeeld, meer uitgebreide navorsing oor China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se bande met die Chinese Regering. Samehangend hiermee,vrae in verband met die vermeende doeltreffendheid van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds kan ook ondersoek word - spesifiek deur te ondersoek hoe projekte bestuur en gekontroleer word deur China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. In hierdie opvolg ondersoeke, kan teoretiese raamwerke soos die ”principle-agent theory” ook ingesluit word as raamwerke waarna China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se verhoudinge met die Chinese Regering gekyk kan word.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.

M.Comm. / The purpose of this study is to identify and investigate potential obstacles for local and international investors in the Maputo Development Corridor (MDC). This study focuses exclusively on the Maputo-Mpumalanga Corridor axis which could be considered as an important nucleus of the eastern region of Southern Africa. The possibility of cooperation concerning the Corridor offers both South Africa and Mozambique - who have until recently both experienced less than optimal international trade relations – the opportunity for enhanced competitiveness. The study therefor attempts to measure the perceptions of potential investors to identify obstacles regarding the process of regional economic integration involving the Map uto-Mp umalanga Corridor in attracting investments. After thorough evaluation of the potential investment sectors among the various role players it became clear that tourism is the sector with the largest potential for investment. Next are the transport and agricultural sectors which show great potential and then, to a lesser extent manufacturing projects. By putting emphasis on these sectors as investment opportunities in particular, will result in more concentrated and graduated progress. With reference to the fact that investment is taking place slowly or does not take place at all, it is obvious that the,re are certain obstacles in the way of investment. The response that has been obtained shows clearly that the different role players do not regard the same factors as obstacles. This mere fact is probably already the biggest obstacle of them all. The fact that international investors regard safety and security as well as bureaucracy in the public sector as the two biggest obstacles, is a serious cause for concern. It shows that overseas investors are not as yet convinced of South Africa's democracy and its new government. Taking all the role players' opinions into consideration, it can be said that the general obstacles in investment in the Corridor can mainly be identified as follows: Safety and security. Bureaucracy in the public sector. Labour problems (productivity and demands by trade unions). Quality of products from Mozambique. Unless both governments address the above-mentioned obstacles immediately, potential investors would continue to regard the Maputo Corridor as unfavourable to a certain extent. This study therefor provides a clear explanation of the most important sectors for investment. It also identifies the most important obstacles to investment in the Maputo-Mpumalanga Development Corridor. It should be seen as an introduction to further research, for a more in-depth investigation of each sector will provide more specific problems and opportunities.