There is a complex set of variables influencing a country's potential for economic growth. One of these is investment, and in order to attract foreign capital flows a country needs, amongst other things sound macro-economic policies and solid financial institutions. Solid financial institutions must be coupled with an attention on integration of a country's financial markets. Through the building of these institutions and a focus on integrating its financial markets a country is likely to become more attractive in the eyes of the investors. The reason for this being important is that investment carries with it promises of economic growth and the subsequent social upliftment. Therefore, closer cooperation between the IBSA members is likely to offer great opportunities for India, Brazil and South Africa. It has been highlighted that a closer integration of their financial markets might lead to them also becoming competitors in the quest for the attention from the investors of the North. However, the loss in terms of competition is likely to be outweighed by the benefits found in not having to face unilateralism as separate entities. New Regionalism stresses the importance of regionalisation as a counter measure to the harmful effect of globalisation for the marginalised countries of the world, and the topic of investment aptly illustrate this point. Furthermore, a closer collaboration between the IBSA members as well as a continuous focus on further integrating their financial markets into the world economy could offer great benefits. Moreover, the trickledown effect could also broaden the scope of these benefits to include other emerging markets. Because of this, investment is, amongst other very important sub-sectors of focus in terms of IBSA cooperation, one of the most important one - both in terms of benefits for the individual countries, but also due to what a successful cooperation could come to mean for the developing world in general. The next chapter, the conclusion, will draw together the various discussion of this thesis in order to highlight the arguments put forward and to suggest ways forward for the IBSA coalition, as well as possible fields of further study / Political Science / M.A. (International Politics)

There is a complex set of variables influencing a country's potential for economic growth. One of these is investment, and in order to attract foreign capital flows a country needs, amongst other things sound macro-economic policies and solid financial institutions. Solid financial institutions must be coupled with an attention on integration of a country's financial markets. Through the building of these institutions and a focus on integrating its financial markets a country is likely to become more attractive in the eyes of the investors. The reason for this being important is that investment carries with it promises of economic growth and the subsequent social upliftment. Therefore, closer cooperation between the IBSA members is likely to offer great opportunities for India, Brazil and South Africa. It has been highlighted that a closer integration of their financial markets might lead to them also becoming competitors in the quest for the attention from the investors of the North. However, the loss in terms of competition is likely to be outweighed by the benefits found in not having to face unilateralism as separate entities. New Regionalism stresses the importance of regionalisation as a counter measure to the harmful effect of globalisation for the marginalised countries of the world, and the topic of investment aptly illustrate this point. Furthermore, a closer collaboration between the IBSA members as well as a continuous focus on further integrating their financial markets into the world economy could offer great benefits. Moreover, the trickledown effect could also broaden the scope of these benefits to include other emerging markets. Because of this, investment is, amongst other very important sub-sectors of focus in terms of IBSA cooperation, one of the most important one - both in terms of benefits for the individual countries, but also due to what a successful cooperation could come to mean for the developing world in general. The next chapter, the conclusion, will draw together the various discussion of this thesis in order to highlight the arguments put forward and to suggest ways forward for the IBSA coalition, as well as possible fields of further study / Political Science / M.A. (International Politics)

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the wave of globalisation sweeps across the countries of the world, the economies of these countries are increasingly opening. The industrial and trade strategy approach is shifting to greater openness due to the pressures of international competitiveness. This means that domestic economic activity alone cannot sustain the national economy. One of the features of this openness is trade liberalisation. Trade between various countries is becoming more important as a way of earning foreign currency to address balance of payment problems and as well as to boost the domestic economy. This has great potential, in the long run, to generate employment opportunities. Immediately after South Africa ushered in a democratic dispensation in 1994 it had to contend with global pressure to liberalise its trade and put in place economic fundamentals that synchronize with the global economic order. The political economy of global trade structure is characterized by bargaining power inequalities amongst the developed countries (North) and the developing countries (South). Trade relations between the developed and developing countries has ~ element of power-play that advantage developed countries and the terms of trade are still skewed in favour of developed countries due to the power that developed countries wield in the global economic system. This study uses the structuralist development theoretical perspective (dependency theory) and the combination of qualitative and quantitative paradigms in understanding the trade relations between the developed countries. The study, through this theoretical paradigm, seeks to examine the degree of success or failure of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations in particular with regard to tariff reduction commitments, and opportunities or constraints created thereof. A case study oftextile and clothing industry will be used, and this will highlight some of the negative implications of the Uruguay Round commitments. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Namate die globaliseringsgolf oor die lande van die wereld spoel, word die ekonomiee van die lande meer toeganklik vir ander state. Die industriele en handelsstrategie benadering het, as gevolg van intemasionale mededinging, 'n klemverskuiwing na meer openheid meegebring. Dit het tot gevolg dat huishoudelike ekonomiese aktiwiteit nie alleen 'n ekonomie kan onderhou nie. Een van die kenmerke van hierdie openheid is die liberalisering van handel. Handel tussen state word toenemend belangrik vir die verdien van buitelandse valuta om betalingsbalans probleme aan te spreek, asook om plaaslike ekonomiee te stimuleer. Oor die lang termyn hou dit groot potensiaal in om werksgeleenthede te skep. Onmiddelik na demokratisering in 1994 was Suid-Afrika geforseer om sy handel te liberaliseer en sy ekonomiese grondslag te sinchroniseer met die globale ekonomiese orde, Die struktuur van die politieke ekonomie van intemasionale handel word gekenmerk deur ongelykhede tussen die ontwikkelde Noorde en die ontwikkelende lande van die Suide. Handelsbetrekkinge tussen ontwikkelde- en ontwikkelende lande bevat 'n element van magspel waarin eersgenoemde bevoordeel word. Hierdie studie maak gebruik van die strukturalistiese ontwikkelingsperspektief en 'n kombinasie van kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe paradigmas, ten einde 'n beter begrip te verkry van handel tussen ontwikkelde lande. Deur middel van die teoretiese paradigma, probeer die studie om die werkbaarheid van die Uruguay Ronde, spesifiek · met betrekking tot tarief verlagings en die geleenthede of beperkings wat daardeur geskep word, aan te toon. 'n Gevallestudie van die tekstiel en klerebedryf sal gebruik word om die negatiewe implikasies van die Uruguay Ronde te belig.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study addresses the topic of foreign direct investment in the People's Republic of China (P.Re.) by South African companies, focusing on opportunities and risks in the context of 'South-South Co-operation' between the P.RC. and South Africa. Relations between the two developing countries have only been forged since January 1998 when South Africa recognised the P.RC. government as the dejure representative of China. With the Chinese market of 1.3 billion potential consumers proving to be a lucrative opportunity for all international, multinational and transnational companies, it is imperative for South African companies to gain a foothold in the Chinese market. Therefore, entry requirements as well as impediments that could emerge have to be scrutinised. Analysis of governmental relations currently being forged between the two states is assessed as well as the wider context of 'Sino-Africa' co-operation. China's recent entry into the World Trade Organisation (WTO) has and will continue to have a substantial effect on the international trading system. The implications of this for South African companies is given considerable attention in order to highlight resulting opportunities. Apart from assessmg the current state of relations and identifying investment and business opportunities, the study also focuses on the method of conducting business in China which has highly complex rules and regulations for companies entering the P.RC. An analysis of the different modes of entry is conducted, coupled with a focus on the cultural sensitivities and norms that are associated with building relationships when negotiating possible business partnerships. The study finally identifies potential risks that foreign direct investors need to continually assess, namely, the transfer of political power to a new generation of relatively young leaders, corruption that is spreading within China and the restructuring of State Owned Enterprises (SOE's) and the inevitable consequence of job losses. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie spreek die onderwerp van buitelandse direkte investering in die Volksrepubliek van Sjina (VRS) deur Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye aan, en fokus op geleenthede en risikos in die konteks van 'Suid-Suid samewerking' tussen die VRS en Suid-Afrika. Betrekkings tussen die twee ontwikkelende lande is eers onlangs gesmee nadat Suid-Afrika in Januarie 1998 die VRS as die dejure verteenwoordiger van Sjina erken het. Met In Sjinese mark van meer as 1.3 miljard potensiële verbruikers wat In winsgewende geleentheid vir alle internasionale, multinasionale en transnasionale maatskappye skep, is dit imperatief vir Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye om hulself in die Sjinese mark te vestig. Dus moet toegangsvereistes asook moontlike hindernisse noukeurig ondersoek word. Die studie doen 'n analise van betrekkings wat huidiglik tussen die twee state se regerings gesmee word, en die breër konteks van samewerking tussen Sjina en Afrika word ook geëvalueer. Die VRS se onlangse toetrede tot die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) het en sal aanhou om 'n wesenlike impak op die internasionale handelsstelsel te hê. Daar word ook aansienlike aandag geskenk aan die implikasies hiervan vir Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappye om sodoende geleenthede uit te lig. Bo en behalwe 'n evaluering van die huidige stand van betrekkings en 'n identifisering van beleggings- en besigheidsgeleenthede, fokus hierdie studie ook op die manier waarop besigheid in Sjina onderneem word, wat uiters gekompliseerde reëls en regulasies insluit vir maatskappye wat die land betree. 'n Analise van die verskillende wyses van toegang is onderneem, tesame met 'n fokus op die kulturele sensitiwiteite en norme wat 'n invloed op die bou van verhoudings tydens die onderhandeling van moontlike besigheidsvennootskappe kan hê. Laastens identifiseer die studie potensiële risikos wat buitelandse direkte beleggers voortdurend in ag moet neem, naamlik die oordrag van mag na 'n nuwe generasie van relatief jong leiers, die verspreiding van korrupsie, die herstrukturering van staatskorporasies en die onvermydelike gevolge van werksverliese.

Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.

Mini-study project (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The processes of regionalism and regionalisation, of which a relatively high level is evident in the Indian Ocean Rim (lOR), that characterise today's global economy offer opportunities for economic growth and development to the mainly developing countries in the Indian Ocean Rim. The lOR has achieved the status of regional society which contributes towards the region actively articulating the interests of the member nations. The lesser-developed countries may well use this developing regionalisation in the lOR to combat its risk of marginalisation in the global order. Great diversity and disparity exist amongst lOR countries on levels of economic development, growth and openness, resulting in few countries achieving the major portion of the region's economic activities. This may complicate the development needs of the nation-states resulting in a low level of development uniformity. Such diversity poses a risk of polarised and unequal investment and development amongst member nations, and ultimately marginalisation in the global order. This does not support economic integration, but calls for economic co-operation to assist with economic development of the lOR. The lOR, as part of the global trading process, comprises a significant portion of the world's trade arising from the region and it presents a large market in the global economy. The lOR is further predominantly developing under the framework and rules of the WTO. Comparing the lOR-ARC with other regional organisations involving main global trading nations, it is evident that in trade volume and economic impact it is not comparable. However, the strategic importance of its energy resources and its locality in particular raises the prominence of the region in the global order. A low level of regional trade exists in the region resulting in the lOR countries being poor candidates for regional integration. However, it is significant to note that intra-regional trade in the lOR has over recent years grown significantly higher than its trade with the world. SA, as hegemon in Southern Africa, may gain development opportunities from its prominence in the lOR. The emerging African Union and NEPAD, however, are expected to receive higher priority amongst political decision makers than the lOR. The country's existing trade focus is with the developed North and it appears that the broader focus in the immediate future will be with mainly non-lOR countries. Variable geometry amongst the nations is common and developments amongst the region's numerous sub-regional groupings are leaning heavily towards economic integration into the future. A high level of institutionalisation has developed out of the role and activities of the lOR-ARC in the region. The IOR-ARC's principle of open regionalism promotes integration. The lOR-ARC, originally aimed at multi-sector cooperation as part of its focus on economic co-operation, is therefore expected to move towards economic integration into the future. When considering a broader perspective, it is evident that the lOR's readiness to embrace economic integration at this point is relatively low. Overall the focus within the lOR although currently focussing on economic cooperation, is expected to move towards economic integration, or neo-functional integration, into the medium to long term. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die prosesse van regionalisme en regionalisasie wat die hedendaagse globale ekonomie kenmerk en hulself manifesteer op relatiewe hoë vlak binne die Indiese Oseaan Randgebied (lOR), bied geleenthede vir ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling aan die hoofsaaklik ontwikkelende lande in the lOR. Die lOR het die entiteit status van streeks-gemeenskap bereik wat dit in staat stelom by te dra om die lidlande se belange te artikuleer. Die minder-ontwikkelde lande mag egter hierdie ontwikkelende regionalisasie uitsluitlik gebruik om hul risiko tot marginalisasie in die globale orde te beperk. Hoë vlakke van diversiteit en dispariteit bestaan tussen die lOR lande in areas van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, groei en toeganklikheid, wat aanleiding gee dat 'n paar lande die oorgrote meerderheid ekonomiese aktiwiteite en bydrae lewer. Hierdie tendens mag egter lidlande se ontwikkelingsbehoeftes kompliseer wat lei tot 'n lae vlak van ontwikkeling-eenvormigheid in die streek. Hierdie diversiteit skep 'n risiko van gepolariseerde en ongelyke investering en ontwikkeling by die lidlande, en gevolglik 'n risiko van globale marginalisasie. Hierdie aspekte ondersteun nie ekonomies integrasie nie, maar eerder ekonomiese samewerking om by te dra tot die ekonomiese ontwikkeling van die lOR. Die lOR, as deel van die globale handelsproses, maak 'n noemenswaardige gedeelte uit van wêreldhandel, met oorsprong in die streek, en die streek bied 'n groot mark binne die globale ekonomie. Die ontwikkeling van die lOR in hierdie aspek vind hoofsaaklik plaas binne die raamwerk en reëls van die Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. 'n Vergelyking tussen die Indiese Oseaan Randgebied Assosiasie vir Ekonomiese Samewerking (lOR-ARC) en ander streeksorganisasies, wat die hoof globale handeldrywende nasies insluit, toon duidelik dat die lOR-ARC in handelsvolume en ekonomiese impak nie vergelykbaar is nie. Die strategiese belangrikheid van die energiebronne en die streeksligging in besonder, verhoog egter die belangrikheid van die streek in die wêreld orde. Die huidige lae streekshandel in die lOR dra daartoe by dat die lOR lande nie sterk kandidate vir streeksintegrasie is nie, alhoewel merkwaardige groei die afgelope jare op intra-streekshandel in die lOR voorgekom het. Sulke groei was aansienlik hoër as groei in lOR handel met die wêreld. SA, as hegemonie in Suider-Afrika, mag baat by ontwikkelingsgeleenthede wat mag uitvloei uit die land se prominensie in die lOR. Die Afrika Unie en NEPAD sal na verwagting egter hoër prioriteit by politieke besluitnemers geniet as die lOR. SA se gevestigde handelsfokus is gemik op die ontwikkelde "Noorde", en dit blyk asof die onmiddelike breër handelsfokus hoofsaaklik op nie-lOR lande gaan mik. Wisselende geometrie is algemeen by lOR lande en verdere verwikkelinge tussen die streek se veelvuldige sub-streeksorganisasies neig sterk na toekomstige ekonomiese integrasie. 'n Hoë vlak van institusionalisering het ontwikkel uit die rol en aktiwiteite van die lOR-ARC in streeksverband. Die lOR-ARC se beginsel van ope regionalisme bevorder integrasie verder. Die verwagting is dat die lOR-ARC, met sy oorsprong in multi-sektor ekonomiese samewerking, in die toekoms gaan beweeg na ekonomiese integrasie. Vanuit In breër perspektief gesien is dit duidelik dat die gereedheid van die lOR om ekonomiese integrasie aan te gryp tans relatief laag is. In die geheel gesien word die lOR, met die huidige fokus op ekonomiese samewerking, verwag om te beweeg na ekonomiese integrasie of neo-funksionele integrasie in die medium tot langtermyn.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This report is an evaluation of the impact of the quotas imposed on clothing and textiles imported from China on the clothing and textile manufacturing industry in South Africa. On 28 August 2006 the Government of the Republic of South Africa and the Government of the People’s Republic of China concluded a memorandum in terms of which the export of certain tariff lines of the Chinese textile products to South Africa would be administered in accordance with the volumes specified in the memorandum for a period of two years. The fundamental objective of these import quotas was to provide South African clothing and textile firms the space in which to operate, with the aim of improving competitiveness in domestic and export markets in the long run. The Chinese market-share of South African global clothing imports has risen steadily to the mid-2006 level of just under 75 percent. It was claimed that because of the significant growth in imports from China between 63 000 to 67 000 jobs were lost in the domestic clothing and textile industry from March 2003 to September 2006. The effect of the imposition of the quotas is evaluated by comparing the state of the clothing and textile industry in South Africa prior to 2006, that is pre-quota imposition to the state of the industry up to two years after imposition of the quotas. Reference is made to employment in the clothing and textile industry in South Africa, the size of the industry in South Africa, the position of clothing retailers, labour costs and productivity, as well as the competitiveness of the local clothing and textile industry. The comparison shows that the import quotas did not solve the industry’s woes and that the trends prior to the imposition of the quotas continued. It further shows that the imposition of quotas had a detrimental effect on the welfare of consumers in the country. A change of tack for the industry’s policy makers and businesses is proposed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verslag is ‘n evaluering van die impak van kwotas ingestel op die invoer van klerasie en tekstiele vanuit China op die Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf. Op 28 Augustus 2006 het die regerings van Suid-Afrika en China ‘n memorandum onderteken ingevolge waarvan die uitvoer van sekere Chinese tekstiel-tarieflyne na Suid-Afrika vir ‘n tydperk van twee jaar beperk sou word tot volumes gespesifiseer in die memorandum. Die doel van hierdie kwotas was om aan Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-ondernemings die ruimte te skep om handel te dryf en sodoende hul mededingendheid in beide die plaaslike- en uitvoermarkte te verbeter. Die Chinese markaandeel van Suid-Afrikaanse klere-invoere het geleidelik gestyg tot net onder 75 persent in die middel van 2006. Arbeids-organisasies het aangevoer dat die aansienlike toename in invoere van China daartoe gelei het dat tussen 63 000 en 67 000 werksgeleenthede verlore gegaan het in die plaaslike klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf vanaf Maart 2003 tot September 2006. Die effek van die kwota-instelling word geëvalueer deur die stand van die Suid-Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf voor 2006 - dit wil sê voor die instelling van die kwotas - te vergelyk met die stand van die bedryf vir ‘n tydperk van twee jaar ná die instelling van die kwotas. Verwysings word gemaak na die vlak van indiensneming in die Suid Afrikaanse klerasie- en tekstiel-bedryf, die grootte van die plaaslike bedryf, die posisie van klere-kleinhandelaars, arbeidskoste en produktiwiteit, asook die mededingendheid van die plaaslike bedryf. Die vergelyking toon dat die invoer-kwotas nie die bedryf verbeter het nie en dat tendense aanwesig voor die instelling van die kwotas steeds voortduur. Bowendien toon dit dat die instelling van die kwotas ‘n nadelige invloed gehad het op die welvaart van Suid-Afrikaanse verbuikers. ‘n Koersverandering vir die bedryf se beleidmakers en besighede word voorgestel.