In the 1960‟s, following independence, the Pan-African vision for developing the continent was envisioned to be possible through the instrumentality of the developmental state. Development became the passion of African leaders and the expectation of the people. After independence, in the 1980‟s, the post-independence nation state bolstered its apparatus, both structurally and ideologically to enable it to deliver on this mandate. Hardly two decades after independence, the African developmental state was heavily burdened with debt, failing in its developmental objectives. Once again African states found themselves at the mercy of its former colonial powers begging for financial aid. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Girmachew Aneme of the Faculty of Law, University of Addis- Ababa, Ethiopia. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The transfer of power to African leaders, at the end of the colonial era gave birth to authoritarian regimes. African Nationalist leaders liberated the continent from the chains of colonialism and bound it in the stone walls of authoritarianism and dictatorship. This is because Africa inherited institutions that were meant to be oppressive of the colonised peoples. These institutions had no room for political pluralism, public participation, free speech, a free press, and free movement among other fundamental rights and freedoms that allow for democratic governance to flourish. Without undergoing major transformations, African governments remained a product of their colonial heritage naturally becoming totalitarian, oppressive and undemocratic. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Girmachew Aneme of the Faculty of Law, University of Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This inquiry was prompted by the resurgence of the phenomenon of coups in Africa in the recent past. The most recent wave of coups has brought the phenomenon under the scrutiny of continental and international bodies. Unlike in the first three decades after independence, which were characterized by inaction and indifference in the face of coups, in recent times African leaders are determined to stem the tide of coups through an unprecedented set of continental and sub-regional norms and collective action. The mini-thesis analyses traditional, and modern security paradigms, as well as comparative politics in order to understand and situate African coups. It argues that the African coup oscillates between the realist, organizational and praetorian paradigms of civil-military relations. Unlike its predecessor, the moribund Organisaton of African Unity (OAU), the African Union (AU) through normative instruments has demonstrated greater enthusiasm not only in reversing the coup tide, but more fundamentally in entrenching a culture of democracy and good governance. Its pronouncements and active engagement in coup-affected countries have been consistent, unambiguous and forthright. In conclusion, the mini-thesis identifies and assesses a myriad of factors at state and regional levels, as well the interests of foreign actors which have over the years conspired to limit the ability of continental bodies to deal effectively with unconstitutional changes of government. These factors, which are largely located at state level, at the core of which is the nature and form of the African state, need to be addressed first in order to rid the continent of the coup contagion. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Thesis (M.A. (English Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2012 / The mini dissertation seeks to explore the positive and negative qualities of an indigenous African leader as presented in a variety of oral texts including folktales, proverbs and praise poems as well as in the African novels of Mhudi, Maru, Things Fall Apart and Petals of Blood in order to deduce an indigenous African concept of a leader. This research is motivated by the fact that although researchers and academics worldwide acknowledge that it is very difficult to objectively define and discuss the terms ‘leader’ and ‘indigenous leader’ yet many tend to dismiss offhand such indigenous concepts of leadership as ubuntu as primitive, barbaric and irrelevant to modern institutions without examining them in detail.

Vingt et un an après la création du Tribunal International pour le Rwanda et dix-sept ans après la signature du traité de Rome donnant naissance à la Cour pénale international, la fièvre dénonciatrice que connait cette institution n’est toujours pas apaisée. La CPI est-elle otage des idéaux qui justifient sa création et des forces politiques antagonistes auxquelles elle reste malgré tout liée ? Les africains commettraient-ils davantage de crime passibles de poursuites devant la Cour que les ressortissant d’autres continents ? Si l’étude des procédures judiciaires nées des crimes commis dans des conflits se déroulant sur le continent africain et l’analyse des procédures de mise en cause de certains Chefs d’Etats africains soulignent le très important travail de lutte contre l’impunité que réalise la Cour pénale internationale, le bilan de ce travail met toutefois en évidence la collision des procédures judiciaires avec des impératifs politiques internationaux. Ce travail de recherche montre que si la CPI se veut un prolongement de la sécurité collective, l’efficacité de son action et son universalisme sont aujourd’hui mise en doute, au point de cristalliser les rapports de l’organisme judiciaire international avec le continent africain. / Twenty-one year after the creation of the International Tribunal for Rwanda and seventeen years after the signing of the Treaty of Rome giving rise to the International Criminal Court, the whistleblower fever that knows this institution is still not appeased. Is the ICC hostage ideals that justified its creation and antagonistic political forces which it nevertheless remains bound? African they commit more crime prosecuted before the Court that the national of other continents? If the study of legal proceedings arising from crimes committed in conflicts taking place on the African continent and in the analysis of the party proceedings of some African Heads of States stress the very important work to fight against impunity that makes the International Criminal Court, the outcome of this work, however, shows the collision of legal proceedings with international political imperatives. This research shows that if the ICC is an expansion of collective security, the effectiveness of its action and universalism are now in doubt, as to crystallize the reports of the international judicial body with the mainland African.