DIÓGENES, Francisco Bruno Pereira. O que resta da identidade entre biopolítica e tanatopolítica em Giorgio Agamben. 2012. 129f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-11T17:32:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-FBPDIOGENES.pdf: 6982991 bytes, checksum: a65108efbd47581dd25bc8ade1574286 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-12T10:43:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-FBPDIOGENES.pdf: 6982991 bytes, checksum: a65108efbd47581dd25bc8ade1574286 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-12T10:43:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-FBPDIOGENES.pdf: 6982991 bytes, checksum: a65108efbd47581dd25bc8ade1574286 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / A intenção da presente pesquisa é situar o pensamento político de Giorgio Agamben no horizonte que lhe dá maior sentido, a saber, o da biopolítica. Para tanto, adentrar-se-á, inicialmente, nas reflexões do primeiro grande expoente dessa perspectiva, Michel Foucault, já que este repropõe o termo biopolítica de modo a direcioná-la para uma nova compreensão e crítica da modernidade e do poder. Posteriormente, tratar-se-á da reflexão agambeniana acerca do estado de exceção e do seu vínculo com o poder soberano. Estes, para o autor, se fundam, necessariamente, em um paradoxo, porquanto pressupõem a existência de uma figura (o soberano) interna e, ao mesmo tempo, externa à própria ordem na qual se encontra. O objetivo do percurso aqui realizado é mostrar como Agamben faz convergir os dois modelos de análise do poder, isto é, o da biopolítica e o jurídico-político, este último evitado por Foucault. Antes, porém, será necessário desenvolver os conceitos de zoé, bíos e vida nua, e apresentar duas figuras do direito arcaico, o homo sacere o bando, à medida que marcam, para o autor, o lado inverso do mesmo paradoxo fundamental, ou seja, o lado sob o qual o poder soberano investe sua violência. O profícuo debate entre Carl Schmitt e Walter Benjamin apresentará outros pressupostos da teoria da soberania de Agamben, no que tange à questão da violência e da exceção soberana, igualmente fundamental para o desenvolvimento da perspectiva biopolítica do filósofo italiano. Esses conceitos, dentre outros, constituem, para Agamben, elementos originários da política ocidental que marcam a premência da sua tese da contiguidade e paralelismo entre soberania e biopoder. Tudo isso permitirá compreender a transformação da biopolítica em seu desdobramento, decorrido desde o século passado, no que se convencionou chamar d e “tanatopolítica”, na qual se encontram práticas como a eutanásia e o extermínio em massa realizado nos campos de concentração. Os grandes regimes totalitários do século XX, segundo Agamben, só podem ser compreendidos adequadamente, e em toda a sua complexidade, a partir da perspectiva que tem como ponto de partida algo como o conceito de vida nua. Antes, porém, deve-se observar a reflexão de Hannah Arendt acerca da relação entre direito e nacionalidade, sobre a qual Agamben faz uma leitura específica e, por assim dizer, biopolítica. O nexo essencial entre nascimento e nação faz emergir, para ambos os autores, tanto os Direitos Humanos como os Campos, ambos considerados cifras da realização do biopoder. O trabalho encerrará com a reflexão conclusiva de Agamben sobre o que significa, para a ordem política contemporânea, a existência dos campos.

The category of life is considered central to the heterogeneous field known as Italian thought or Italian theory. Its centrality helps explain the outsized role that Italian thinkers like Giorgio Agamben, Rosi Braidotti, Roberto Esposito, and Toni Negri play in international conceptualizations of biopolitics. Scholars have attempted to trace the roots of this emphasis on life back to thinkers such as Vico and Croce, Italian Marxist traditions such as workerism, “imports” like Heideggerian ontology and Foucauldian critique, and even Italy’s geography. These histories fail to interrogate the paradox that Italian thought usually deals with life in abstract terms, rather than with real, embodied lives. Styles of Existence, Italy 1961–1982 offers an alternative genealogy of Italian thought that focuses on the role that philology played in transforming conceptions of life and self in postwar Italy. It argues that the poet and filmmaker Pier Paolo Pasolini and art critic and feminist Carla Lonzi show us what living looks like by applying the tools and concepts of interpretation and criticism they acquired as artists and critics to their own lives. It makes the case for their inclusion in the unofficial canon of Italian thought, and for acknowledging the debts that later philosophical treatments of life owe to Pasolini and Lonzi’s existential attempts to overcome the distance between theory and praxis. Pasolini and Lonzi, both well-known for their polemical contributions to debates about politics, gender, and sexuality in Italy’s long 1968, are discussed here together for the first time. Styles of Existence lays out the theoretical tenets, preferred methodologies, and historical arcs of their life philologies, tracing them across an array of sources including diaries, screenplays, television talk shows, and newspaper columns. Both authors’ projects are examined from a comparatist perspective, which means that they are situated in Pasolini and Lonzi’s cultural and discursive contexts as Marxist and feminist intellectuals, respectively, and in relation to contemporaneous domestic and international trends and debates. Responding to a request by Pasolini that his works be read philologically, chapter one proposes a philological rereading of his corpus that takes into account his love for space and dedication to the irrational. Proposing the notion of “lunar hermeneutics” as a conceptual frame, it demonstrates that Pasolini incorporates tools from philology and stylistic criticism in his social critique and filmmaking in response to changing global and national political landscapes in the late 1950s and early 1960s, and especially the developments of the space race. Chapter two elaborates the features of Pasolini’s project of “Marxist linguistics” in the mid-1960s as a political answer to rapid industrialization and globalization, demonstrating that Pasolini expands the scope of lunar hermeneutics with contributions from semiotics and insights from his work as a filmmaker. Close readings of Pasolini’s aesthetic writings in Empirismo eretico (1972) and his film Uccellacci e uccellini (1966) illustrate the importance of cinema to his revised theory of language and understanding of self. Chapter three examines Pasolini’s collection of political writings, Scritti corsari (1975), as an example of Auerbachian-inspired Weltliteratur, showing that the work is designed as a philological exercise dedicated to the critical preservation of human forms of life threatened with extinction. Turning to Lonzi, chapter four provides the first theoretical and historical account of autocoscienza or self-consciousness making, the feminist, relational practice that Lonzi developed with other members of the group Rivolta femminile in the early 1970s. Lonzi formulates autocoscienza as a subversive mediation of critical and postcolonial theory as well as of modern art, and envisions an “unforeseen subject” who refuses to comply with the misogyny and inequalities inherent to prevailing models of liberational subjectivity. Chapter five reassesses Lonzi’s rejection of Hegelian and psychoanalytic theories of recognition, and her engagement with Alexander Kojève’s anthropomorphizing rendition of Hegel, to argue that autocoscienza provides its own affirmative feminist theory and practice of recognition focused on listening and responsiveness among equals. Chapter six considers the diary’s central role in Lonzi’s philological project of self by linking it to autocoscienza and her theory of clitorality. It argues that the sexed dimension of autocoscienza is what makes viable a transition from theory to praxis, and from emphasis on the collective to the self. By focusing on the diary, it restores the contributions of “Sara,” another Rivolta member, and the influence of hagiographical writings on Lonzi’s conception of female freedom. Finally, chapter seven unearths Lonzi’s obsessive “dialogue” with Pasolini in her “feminist diary” Taci, anzi parla [Hush, No Speak] (1978) as a case study in the practice of autocoscienza. Lonzi’s disagreements with Pasolini about culture, sexuality, and women’s rights, and their largely overlapping views on freedom and expression, are situated in the context of Italian debates about abortion in the mid-1970s. This chapter argues that Lonzi’s relation to Pasolini transforms her understanding of self and helps her refine and recalibrate the goals of autocoscienza. In conceiving of the self and selfhood in philological rather than philosophical terms, Pasolini and Lonzi challenge theories of the subject predominant in critical theory and offer precursors to contemporary concepts like Agamben’s homo sacer. Their aesthetics of existence require a reconsideration of the scope of philology in the twentieth century, the parameters of political theory, the legacy and historiography of Italy’s long ’68, and our understanding of what it means to live a meaningful human life. The detailed recovery of Lonzi’s intensive engagement with Pasolini and his work, finally, points to an unlikely source of influence on radical Italian feminism.

Submitted by ANA KARLA PEREIRA RODRIGUES (anakarla_@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-27T12:35:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1101166 bytes, checksum: 140740be19433a16721ed571a9cc8fb6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-27T12:35:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1101166 bytes, checksum: 140740be19433a16721ed571a9cc8fb6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this dissertation, our research’s object is centered in the use of key concepts of camp, biopolitics, homo sacer and exception, under the form of extermination, especially consolidated after the last Brazilian military regime of 1964 in its permanent into the current democratic regime, in 2014. Our problem question can be formulated as follows: Is there a continuity of authoritarian policies in Brazil, after so many years of dictatorship, in relation to those excluded by the system? Those who are life-killing, but not sacrificable, through extermination as a paradigm of contemporary government? In this way, we start from the hypothesis that the Brazilian military regime, terminated in 1985, based on the National Security Doctrine and the biopolitical management of the Brazilian government historically considered, together with the practices still present, fifty years after the beginning that regime and three decades after its completion are reflected in a camp’s form as a modern biopolitical paradigm on the indolent and useless bodies of society, notably the poor and opponents of the regime. This hypothesis are supported by adaptive interpretation from the contributions of Homo Sacer, State of Exception, articles and interviews of Giorgio Agamben, into previous readings to the research, perceive the existence of traces of this theory that can be applied to Brazil: the existence of the camp as a modern biopolitical paradigm; the torture, extermination and enforced disappearance persisting’s practices; and, a true regime of permanent exception, with determinable time and space, on the population possibly converted as homini sacri. Therefore, the present dissertation will use a deductive approach methodology, together with a historicalcomparative procedure method and a bibliographic research technique to explain the current Brazilian situation. The organization of this work will be in three chapters: first, we determine the assumptions present in this work, presenting the Brazilian historicalpolitical antecedents’, the biopolitical archeology of the contemporary state and the agambenian conceptual discussions of homo sacer, camp, biopolitics and permanent exception. Next, we seek a definition of forced disappearance and extermination between the various key-concepts close to it, and delimit the practice and theory of dictatorship and democracy in relation to our key concepts. In the last part, we present the Brazilian biopolitical governance paradigm, the place of Agambenian camp execution and permanent extermination and the confrontations and uncertainties about the life-that-canbe- killed in Brazil. The objective is to present the historical-philosophical assumptions of the Military Dictatorship to the Six Republic, the institutional approach of homo sacer in the Brazilian State and the challenges and threats to democratic consolidation in Brazil. It concludes by confirming the hypothesis, partially to the focused period, converging the previous historical practice to the military regime for the analyzed period, at the same time that it points out ways and difficulties in the probability of expansion of this extermination. / Nesta dissertação, nosso objeto de pesquisa está centrado numa leitura biopolítica da histórica brasileira, a partir dos aportes de Giorgio Agamben, sob a forma de extermínio, especialmente consolidado após o último regime militar brasileiro de 1964 naquilo em que permanece no regime democrático atual, em 2014. A nossa pergunta-problema pode ser assim formulada: Há de se falar de uma continuidade das políticas autoritárias do Brasil, passados tantos anos da ditadura, em relação a aqueles excluídos pelo sistema, aqueles que são vida matável impunemente, através do extermínio como paradigma de governo contemporâneo? Desta forma, partimos da hipótese que o regime militar brasileiro, encerrado em 1985, tendo por base teórica a Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e da histórica gestão biopolítica brasileira, em conjunto com as práticas ainda presentes, cinquenta anos depois do início daquele regime e três décadas após o seu término se refletem em uma forma de campo como paradigma biopolítico moderno sobre os corpos indóceis e inúteis da sociedade, destacadamente os pobres e opositores ao regime. Essa hipótese alicerça-se na interpretação adaptativa a partir dos aportes das obras Homo Sacer, Estado de Exceção, artigos e entrevistas de Giorgio Agamben, parte destas leituras prévias à pesquisa, percebendo a existência de traços desta teoria que podem ser aplicados ao Brasil: a existência do campo como paradigma biopolítico moderno; a persistência de práticas de tortura, de extermínio e desaparecimento forçado; e, um verdadeiro regime de exceção permanente, com tempo e espaço determináveis, sobre a população potencialmente convertida como homini sacri. Para tanto, a presente dissertação utilizou de uma metodologia de abordagem dedutivo, em conjunto com um método de procedimento histórico-comparativo e com técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica para explicitar a situação atual brasileira. A organização deste trabalho se dará em três capítulos: primeiramente determinamos os pressupostos presentes neste trabalho, apresentando os antecedentes histórico-políticos brasileiro, a arqueologia biopolítica do Estado contemporâneo e as discussões conceituais agambenianas de homo sacer, campo, biopolítica e de exceção permanente. Em seguida, buscamos uma definição de desaparecimento forçado e extermínio entre os vários conceitos próximos a este e delimitamos a prática e a teoria da ditadura e da democracia em relação aos nossos conceitos-chave. Na última parte, expomos o paradigma de governo biopolítico brasileiro, o local do campo agambeniano de extermínio e os enfrentamentos e as incertezas sobre a vida matável no Brasil. Objetiva-se, assim, apresentar os pressupostos histórico-filosóficos da Ditadura Militar à Sexta República, a abordagem institucional do homo sacer no Estado Brasileiro e desafios e as ameaças a consolidação democrática no Brasil. Conclui-se pela confirmação da hipótese, parcialmente ao período enfocado, confluindo a prática histórica anterior ao regime militar para o período analisado, ao mesmo tempo que aponta caminhos e dificuldades frente a probabilidade de expansão desse extermínio.

This dissertation, All Things Commune: The Communal Imaginary in Twenty-First-Century French Fiction & Poetry, is animated by two fundamental questions: How can life be led differently, together? And, what is French literature’s radical political potential? Over the course of this project, I argue that twenty-first-century French literature is a site of radical political imagination, and, in certain cases, a veritable form of radical political practice. Through close readings of works by a diverse set of authors – including Jean Rouaud, Yannick Haenel, Virginie Despentes, and Jean-Marie Gleize – I reveal a countercurrent of twenty-first-century French literature bound up in a radical politics that is invested in imagining alternative forms of community that are autonomous from the French state, capitalism, governance, and traditional political structures. I read these literary works in light of theories of community developed by collectives such as Tiqqun and Le Comité invisible and critical theorists like Giorgio Agamben, Jean-Luc Nancy, and Jacques Rancière. All Things Commune demonstrates how reading these authors and theorists together reveals a shared imaginary of alternative communal life and radical Leftist politics, which I place under the rubric of destituent power. All Things Commune insists on the profound continuities between contemporary French literature, history, and politics. Overall, this project questions the narrow political frameworks through which twenty-first-century French literature continues to be read and demonstrates how radical politics appear in unexpected ways in a period of literature sometimes reduced to the reactionary or the apolitical.