Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:40:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 400562.pdf: 1869719 bytes, checksum: f1cdf123d7e1245d15002291722fa5e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-03-31 / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo identificar, dentro de um determinado per?odo de tempo, os processos de agenda setting e de framing em duas grandes publica??es semanais de alcance nacional: Veja e ?poca. O escopo ? identificar esses processos em cada uma das publica??es e demonstrar as eventuais diferen?as de cultura de cada uma delas. A fim de subsidiar o leitor, o texto traz uma revis?o cultural das principais teorias desse campo, incluindo, al?m das citadas, espiral do sil?ncio, gatekeeping e priming. Ao mesmo tempo, busca-se ilustrar se essas revistas t?m poder de influ?ncia sobre a opini?o p?blica e vice-versa. O espa?o de tempo, no qual as publica??es foram analisadas, foi monitorado, concomitantemente, por pesquisas de opini?o elaboradas pelo IBOPE, para a Confedera??o Nacional da Ind?stria - CNI.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:41:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 417401.pdf: 4050339 bytes, checksum: 416d5012d560f574a5140a255629db27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-21 / Este estudo investigou o agendamento no colunismo pol?tico, tendo como base a coluna pol?tica P?gina 10, do jornal Zero Hora. Para tanto, o estudo buscou o apoio cient?fico nas seguintes categorias: comunica??o pol?tica, pol?tica, colunismo, agenda-setting e poder. Na comunica??o pol?tica foram consultados autores como Dominique Wolton, M?rio Mesquita, Maria Cristina Reyes Montes e Javier del Rey Morat?. No colunismo pol?tico, Davi Emerich, Franklin Martins e Carlos Castilho ser?o alguns dos pesquisadores citados. A hip?tese de agenda-setting concentrarse- ? nos trabalhos de McCombs e Shaw, Mauro Wolff, N?lson Traquina e Antonio Hohlfeldt. A categoria pol?tica foi analisada com base nos estudos de Giovanni Sartori, Norberto Bobbio e Max Weber. Os estudos sobre o poder utilizaram referenciais te?ricos de Max Weber, Norberto Bobbio e Eduardo Corsetti. Quanto ? metodologia, a escolhida para a pesquisa foi a hermen?utica de profundidade (HP), de John B. Thompson. A HP elege o estudo da produ??o de sentido atrav?s das formas simb?licas (FS) que, de acordo com Thompson, s?o a??es, falas, textos e imagens que servem para sustentar ou estabelecer rela??es de poder. A hermen?utica de profundidade divide-se em tr?s fases: a) an?lise s?cio-hist?rica (ASH), an?lise formal ou discursiva (AD) e interpreta??o/re-interpreta??o.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea Reis.pdf: 2028136 bytes, checksum: eb0e10f7e4210e565ab3e365646b5569 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The electoral campaign to the city hall of São Paulo in 2004 presented a historical importance, once it was the first, after the redemocratization, with a candidate to reelection. Being known about the great political and economical power that the municipal district of São Paulo has, here it comes the following subject: when the construction of a scenery of politic representation (CR-P) together with the rhetoric of the continuity, very frequent speech during a reelection campaign, do they guarantee an electoral victory? The electoral dispute of 2004 allowed that the traditional dispute between the petismo and the malufismo of last decades was substituted by the dispute between PT and PSDB . Therefore, the dispute, that was based on the person before and is based on the party now, could it be the consequence of a larger political understanding of the electorate from São Paulo? For us to understand the defeat of an administration that was being very appraised at the end of its administration, we noticed that we should analyze, besides PR-S, the person's from São Paulo electoral behavior, which was the calendar interpersonal of the electorate in 2004, the calendar-setting of the television media during the electoral year and also two main candidates' institutional calendar, for us to verify what would justify Marta Suplicy defeat. The media can alert and inform the voter about candidates' viability and also to transmit messages that influence the public opinion during the campaign. The communication means supply perspectives, they model candidates' images, as well as of the party, they help to promote the campaign themes and they differ the specific atmosphere and the area of relevance and of activity of each electoral competition. The construction of CR-P will be accompanied till the official end of the electoral campaign of 2004. It will be verified which were the preponderant constituent elements in the institutional calendar and in the media calendar / A campanha eleitoral para a prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2004, teve importância histórica, pois foi a primeira, depois da redemocratização, com um candidato à reeleição. Sabendo-se do grande poder político e econômico que o município de São Paulo possui, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: quando a construção de um cenário de representação da política (CR-P) juntamente com a retórica da continuidade, discurso muito freqüente durante uma campanha de reeleição, garantem um triunfo eleitoral? A disputa eleitoral de 2004 permitiu que a tradicional rivalidade entre o petismo e o malufismo das décadas passadas fosse substituída pelo embate entre o PT e o PSDB. A disputa, que antes era personalista e agora está partidarizada, poderia ser a conseqüência de uma maior conscientização política do eleitorado paulistano? Para entendermos a derrota de uma administração que estava sendo bem avaliada no final de sua gestão, percebemos que deveríamos analisar, além do CR-P, o comportamento eleitoral do paulistano, qual era a agenda interpessoal do eleitorado em 2004, a agendasetting da mídia televisiva durante o ano eleitoral e também a agenda institucional dos dois principais candidatos, para verificarmos o que justificaria a derrota de Marta Suplicy. A mídia pode alertar e informar o eleitor sobre a viabilidade dos candidatos e também veicular mensagens que influenciem a opinião pública durante a campanha. Os meios de comunicação fornecem perspectivas, modelam as imagens dos candidatos, assim como do partido, ajudam a promover os temas de campanha e diferem a atmosfera específica e a área de relevância e de atividade de cada competição eleitoral. A construção do CR-P será acompanhada até o final oficial da campanha eleitoral de 2004. Serão verificados quais foram os elementos constitutivos preponderantes na agenda institucional e na agenda da mídia

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea Reis.pdf: 2028136 bytes, checksum: eb0e10f7e4210e565ab3e365646b5569 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The electoral campaign to the city hall of São Paulo in 2004 presented a historical importance, once it was the first, after the redemocratization, with a candidate to reelection. Being known about the great political and economical power that the municipal district of São Paulo has, here it comes the following subject: when the construction of a scenery of politic representation (CR-P) together with the rhetoric of the continuity, very frequent speech during a reelection campaign, do they guarantee an electoral victory? The electoral dispute of 2004 allowed that the traditional dispute between the petismo and the malufismo of last decades was substituted by the dispute between PT and PSDB . Therefore, the dispute, that was based on the person before and is based on the party now, could it be the consequence of a larger political understanding of the electorate from São Paulo? For us to understand the defeat of an administration that was being very appraised at the end of its administration, we noticed that we should analyze, besides PR-S, the person's from São Paulo electoral behavior, which was the calendar interpersonal of the electorate in 2004, the calendar-setting of the television media during the electoral year and also two main candidates' institutional calendar, for us to verify what would justify Marta Suplicy defeat. The media can alert and inform the voter about candidates' viability and also to transmit messages that influence the public opinion during the campaign. The communication means supply perspectives, they model candidates' images, as well as of the party, they help to promote the campaign themes and they differ the specific atmosphere and the area of relevance and of activity of each electoral competition. The construction of CR-P will be accompanied till the official end of the electoral campaign of 2004. It will be verified which were the preponderant constituent elements in the institutional calendar and in the media calendar / A campanha eleitoral para a prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2004, teve importância histórica, pois foi a primeira, depois da redemocratização, com um candidato à reeleição. Sabendo-se do grande poder político e econômico que o município de São Paulo possui, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: quando a construção de um cenário de representação da política (CR-P) juntamente com a retórica da continuidade, discurso muito freqüente durante uma campanha de reeleição, garantem um triunfo eleitoral? A disputa eleitoral de 2004 permitiu que a tradicional rivalidade entre o petismo e o malufismo das décadas passadas fosse substituída pelo embate entre o PT e o PSDB. A disputa, que antes era personalista e agora está partidarizada, poderia ser a conseqüência de uma maior conscientização política do eleitorado paulistano? Para entendermos a derrota de uma administração que estava sendo bem avaliada no final de sua gestão, percebemos que deveríamos analisar, além do CR-P, o comportamento eleitoral do paulistano, qual era a agenda interpessoal do eleitorado em 2004, a agendasetting da mídia televisiva durante o ano eleitoral e também a agenda institucional dos dois principais candidatos, para verificarmos o que justificaria a derrota de Marta Suplicy. A mídia pode alertar e informar o eleitor sobre a viabilidade dos candidatos e também veicular mensagens que influenciem a opinião pública durante a campanha. Os meios de comunicação fornecem perspectivas, modelam as imagens dos candidatos, assim como do partido, ajudam a promover os temas de campanha e diferem a atmosfera específica e a área de relevância e de atividade de cada competição eleitoral. A construção do CR-P será acompanhada até o final oficial da campanha eleitoral de 2004. Serão verificados quais foram os elementos constitutivos preponderantes na agenda institucional e na agenda da mídia

Ice hockey is seen as a rough sport. Sometimes situations tend to become too violent and players now and then get suspended for their acts on the ice. In very unusual cases the legal system has been forced to step in and prosecute players for situations on the ice. This is the case with Jakob Lilja. The purpose of this essay is therefore to seek answers on how two Swedish tabloids have framed Lilja and how the news coverage has changed during this time. The theory used in the study makes it possible to highlight how Lilja has been framed in the tabloids and it also gives the study the opportunity to further explain how Lilja has been portrayed. The scientific method used in this study has been a critical discourse analysis to be able to study the 43 articles included in the analysis in a qualitative manner. The study shows that the news coverage from the case has changed during the course of the time. The early coverage shows the framing of Lilja as an ice hockey player while the latter coverage more frame him as a criminal. But there are differences. The different tabloids have framed the case in different ways and the study shows that one of them has framed Lilja more than the other.

This diploma thesis focuses on relations between a candidate and a political party and how these relations are influenced by political marketing and media. Political party TOP 09 and its leader Karel Schwarzenberg are studied during the political campaign preceding Czech legislative election in May 2010. The study is based on TOP 09's documents and interviews of Karel Schwarzenberg in Czech media. Theoretical part of this thesis is dedicated to concepts of political marketing, influence of media and models of communication. Content analysis compares themes and ways to speak about them used by the party and by Schwarzenberg. Qualitative analysis asks if the party can make use of Schwrazenberg for its own campaign and how strength and what sort of are relations between TOP 09 and its leader.

The diploma thesis Media picture of building the Berlin wall - Rudé právo, The New York Times, The Times addresses the events associated with the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 and primarily presents the analysis of newspaper articles connected to the Berlin Wall topic. The issue of the Berlin Wall is portrayed before its construction, during the construction and immediately after it. In the "Teoretická východiska" chapter, the concepts used as a basis of the subsequent analysis of selected newspapers are explained. The first part of the thesis presents the historical and political circumstances of the Berlin Wall construction, especially the development of the Cold War between the representatives of East and West. The analysis of the three selected newspaper titles is preceded by a narrative interview with a foreign correspondent from Rudé právo. His statements serve as an illustration of the former Berlin atmosphere. In the analysis of the newspapers Rudé právo, The New York Times and The Times, emphasis is placed on the article contents, presentation style, theme diversity, trends and information value of the presented news. The output of the analysis is a comparison of all three selected titles and is based on the given theoretical grounds. This thesis is meant to serve as an example...

The purpose of “Alexandra Ocasio-Cortez: A Case Study of Social Media as an Agenda Setting Tool in the U.S. House of Representatives” is to explore the impact of a politician’s social media presence on agenda setting in Congress. It was born out of the research question, “how do freshman members of the House of Representatives seek power and influence in their first term?” I answer this using Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez as a case study, as she is a current freshman legislator with undeniable power and influence. I studied Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s tweets from two time periods: the month leading up to her election and her second month in office. I categorized and counted each tweet into 4 categories that yielded quantifiable results. Subsequently, I did a textual analysis of certain tweets from the two periods and explained their relevance to her shift in content and success as a public figure. I found that since being elected, the proportion of Rep. Ocasio-Cortez tweets about National issues increased by four times more than during her primary. Additionally, after being elected, her tweets about her District were proportionally one-fourth of they were during her primary campaign. I interpret this finding as Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s efforts to influence the national agenda, a task rarely taken on by a freshman Representative. I also found that she had nearly doubled the proportion of tweets that fall under the Extraneous category, utilizing personal anecdotes, inspirational messages, feminist actions and insights, and calls for progressive leadership that connect with her audience and set her apart from strictly policy-oriented politician Twitter accounts. Altogether, I have analyzed Rep. Ocasio-Cortez’s Twitter presence and believe it to be a key element of her success in agenda setting as a freshman Congress member.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) suggested that, as the world population grows, food and water shortages will become even more serious issues (IPPC's 2014 predictions about the future effects of climate change (CC), Year-round growing (YRG) may provide a way for communities to extend growing seasons, expand local farm systems, and provide food year round. This case study included a detailed analysis of responses from representatives of all sectors of rural Mesa County, Colorado, regarding YRG and a local food and farm plan due to CC. The case was bounded by time (6 months of data collection) which provided an in-depth picture of responses from the community. The theoretical framework for the study was Kingdon's multiple streams theory; a local, conceptual framework was provided by Liu, Lindquist, Vedlitz, and Vincent, who identified the key factors for local agenda-setting, defined in the policy literature as an important step in policymaking. Research questions explored YRG as a way to mitigate CC and as a potential platform to create policy towards a local food and farm plan. Twenty-one citizens from all sectors of a small community in western Colorado were interviewed about their perspectives on CC, YRG, and an agenda for a local food and farm plan (LFFP). Data were coded to identify themes and patterns. Results revealed that most participants were not concerned about CC, although they would like to see YRG and a LFFP thrive as a free market enterprise. Policy makers' support of rural farming through YRG and LFFPs would reduce both the distance food travels and the use of fossil fuels; it would also help create a path to a more sustainable future.

Researchers have found that higher education is known to stabilize political opinions and thought to enhance critical thinking skills. The role that an individual's level of education plays in shaping public opinion during a foreign affairs crisis, within the context of repetitious and uniform news media coverage, has yet to be determined. The theoretical foundation of agenda-setting explains how salience is created by emphasizing certain messages and influencing public opinion and may bypass education and political knowledge. The purpose of this quantitative study was to examine the relationship between education level and public opinion immediately before the Iraq War. The analysis used a secondary dataset consisting of 3,262 respondents in a 2002 national public opinion survey. Binomial logistic regression was used to test 5 hypotheses. Findings indicated there was a significant relationship between education levels and support for combatting international terrorism as a foreign policy goal as well as the use of troops to invade Iraq (p < .006). The results indicated that in some instances higher education played a significant role in shaping public opinion during the period before the Iraq War. Positive social change from this research includes helping policy-makers understand how public opinion is shaped during a crisis so the views of the citizenry can be more effectively incorporated into the policy-making process.