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本論文是台灣地區首篇以「議題設定理論第二層次」中的「媒介議題屬性設定效果」為主旨的實證研究。論文以「台北市公娼存廢議題」做為分析個案，目的在於驗證「媒介設定公娼議題的第二層次效果」。研究方法係以報紙內容分析與民意調查兩種方式，檢驗報紙所強調報導的屬性，是否也是民眾腦海中比較凸顯的屬性。研究結果證實了媒介的議題屬性設定效果。其他主要發現如下： 　　一、在《中國時報》、《聯合報》與《自由時報》對於「台北市公娼存廢議題」的整體報導中，以「掃黃與色情」這項屬性被報導的次數最多，第二名是「照顧弱勢生計」。其他的報導屬性依次是「社會風氣」、「食色性也」、「行政立法」、「工作權」、「兩性平等」、「制度合宜」、「公共衛生」、「都市發展」、「人身安全與住宅安寧」與「其他」。三報之間的報導屬性排名大體上類似。 　　二、在受訪者對公娼議題屬性的認知方面，以「掃黃與色情」所佔的比例最高，排名第二的是「食色性也」，其他依次是「社會風氣」、「都市發展」、「制度合宜」、「照顧弱勢」、「工作生存權」、「兩性平等」、「行政立法」、「人身安全與住宅安寧」、公共衛生與「其他」。 　　三、在人口變項方面，報紙對於各次群體在公娼議題屬性的第二層次設定效果上，的確有所差異。整體說來，報紙對於女性、高教育程度、外省籍，以及支持國民黨和新黨的受訪者，有顯著的設定效果。

<p>In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the <i>Norrland</i> region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in <i>Norrland</i> was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, <i>Norrland</i> had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to <i>Norrland's </i>peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.</p>

<p>This study focused on the level of success Unicef in Paraguay had in communicating its message concerning child street-workers to the press in Asunción. We also examined how the communication works between Unicef and the journalists, and how child street-workers appear in the press according to our sources. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of media logic and planned communication. These theories were useful to explain the possibilities and obstacles Unicef faces in its communication with the press. Our study builds on qualitative research interviews with journalists, communication staff at Unicef and the coordinator of the Global Agency of News, an organization that monitors how children appear in the Paraguayan press.</p><p> </p><p>We found that the communication between Unicef and the journalists is very important and highly valued by both Unicef and the Paraguayan newspapers. The relationship builds on constant trade, where both parts depend on each other. Unicef needs attention from the press in order to spread its message to the general public. The journalists need Unicef because the organization works as a trustable information source to back-up their articles regarding childhood.</p><p> </p><p>No one in our study was satisfied with the way child street-workers appear in the press. The children are often showed as victims or criminals and children’s rights are not always considered. A central problem is that awareness about children’s rights is low, both in the Paraguayan society and among many journalists. Unicef succeeds quite well in their communication with the journalists that are already aware of children’s rights. But the organization does not succeed in communicating with a big part of the press, as a lot of articles are still discriminative towards child street-workers.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>Title: Foreign news coverage. Does the media influence the action in international crises? (Utrikesbevakning. Påverkar media agerandet i internationella kriser?)</p><p>Number of pages: 39</p><p>Author: Charlotta Andrésson</p><p>Tutor: Professor Lowe Hedman</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University.</p><p>Date of submission: 2007-01-03, autumn term of 2006</p><p>Purpose/Aim</p><p>The purpose of the essay is partly to examine if foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. It is also to answer if the media are responsible for the possible consequences of the news coverage. My main questions at issue are:</p><p>1. Does the foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises?</p><p>2. Is media responsible for the possible consequences of their foreign news coverage?</p><p>I also ask a question at issue in a research of Swedish foreign news coverage in my essay to get a clearer picture of the foreign news coverage:</p><p>3. How does Swedish foreign news coverage relate to prior research?</p><p>Method:</p><p>The second chapter of the essay is a literature research of news selection and news values. The third chapter of the essay is a research of media’s influence on the world politics and humanitarian aid. These two chapters are literature studies based on prior research, theories and debates. The fourth chapter is an empirical study of a news programme on a Swedish TV-channel during a five months period between 2004 and 2005. My interest in the empirical study was to examine how the material was divided geographically and as regards contents. The fifth and sixth chapter of the essay consists of an analysis and a discussion.</p><p>Main results:</p><p>As my main result I concluded that the media influence the political agenda setting and the the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. The media throw light upon which crises that should be given priority to. The theories for news selection and news value agrees with the result of my research of Swedish foreign news coverage. I also concluded that the media alone was not responsible for the possible consequences for their foreign news coverage but that they are the premier channel of information about the world for most people.</p><p>Keywords: Foreign news, news selection and news value, CNN-effect, Media and political agenda setting, Media influence of humanitarian aid.</p>

Political blogs have emerged as a new journalistic format that has gained influence on the political discourse in the United States. Previous research has shown that this influence stems mainly from attention given to blogs by traditional news media. Based on the concepts of intermedia agenda setting and agenda building, this study explored the source interaction between 10 elite traditional news media and 10 political filter blogs during the 2006 Congressional Midterm Elections. An analysis of 2587 sources used in the election context found that traditional news media frequently cited blogs in their election coverage, but that the source attributions to the blogs were vague. Blogs, on the other hand, heavily cited traditional news media, but the analysis revealed that conservative blogs cited elite traditional news media less than did liberal blogs. Conservative blogs relied more on conservative media outlets in their election coverage. A case study of the dominant election topic, the Mark Foley scandal, showed that the daily interaction between the two media formats was driven by the use of breaking news elements as well as controversial opinions. The findings of this study show that the blog agenda is strongly influenced by traditional news media sources and that blogs at the same time have become part of the routine newsgathering process of traditional news media journalists. However, the findings also raise questions about changes in the standard journalistic research and attribution procedures as both media formats often rely on each other as sources rather than on original reporting.

In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the Norrland region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in Norrland was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, Norrland had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to Norrland's peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.

Abstract Title: Foreign news coverage. Does the media influence the action in international crises? (Utrikesbevakning. Påverkar media agerandet i internationella kriser?) Number of pages: 39 Author: Charlotta Andrésson Tutor: Professor Lowe Hedman Course: Media and Communication Studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University. Date of submission: 2007-01-03, autumn term of 2006 Purpose/Aim The purpose of the essay is partly to examine if foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. It is also to answer if the media are responsible for the possible consequences of the news coverage. My main questions at issue are: 1. Does the foreign news coverage influence the political agenda setting and the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises? 2. Is media responsible for the possible consequences of their foreign news coverage? I also ask a question at issue in a research of Swedish foreign news coverage in my essay to get a clearer picture of the foreign news coverage: 3. How does Swedish foreign news coverage relate to prior research? Method: The second chapter of the essay is a literature research of news selection and news values. The third chapter of the essay is a research of media’s influence on the world politics and humanitarian aid. These two chapters are literature studies based on prior research, theories and debates. The fourth chapter is an empirical study of a news programme on a Swedish TV-channel during a five months period between 2004 and 2005. My interest in the empirical study was to examine how the material was divided geographically and as regards contents. The fifth and sixth chapter of the essay consists of an analysis and a discussion. Main results: As my main result I concluded that the media influence the political agenda setting and the the incentives of the public’s willingness to give charity for humanitarian crises. The media throw light upon which crises that should be given priority to. The theories for news selection and news value agrees with the result of my research of Swedish foreign news coverage. I also concluded that the media alone was not responsible for the possible consequences for their foreign news coverage but that they are the premier channel of information about the world for most people. Keywords: Foreign news, news selection and news value, CNN-effect, Media and political agenda setting, Media influence of humanitarian aid.

English title: Julia and the elite. A study of how the Internet hatred developed into a media avalanche. Introduction: During February 2013 Swedish media flooded with news of online hate directed towards women after an episode of Uppdrag Granskning on SVT (2013). Female media profiles were given the opportunity to tell the entire Swedish population about the hate and threats they had been exposed to online. In this thesis we want to investigate what topics end up on the media´s agenda, how a piece of news is developed and framed. Questions: How does a piece of news considered highly newsworthy develop from when it first appears in the media until it gradually disappears? How and why did Internet hatred end up on the media´s agenda? How does the media framed the Internet hatred? Theory: To be able to answer the questions formulated in this thesis, the following theories have been used: Agenda-Setting theory, framing theory, news valuation and media logic.  Method: Quantitative content analysis of news broadcasts and debate shows from TV, radio and newspapers. Additionally a qualitative content analysis by support of a rhetorical and semiotic analysis of two debate articles and one TV feature. Result: The online hate debate was to be divided into two main debates concerning how to handle online hate in terms of the law and men who hate women in the public sphere. The majority of those who participate in the online hate debate belong to some form of either media, political, legal or academic elite. More than halv of those who fight for the online hate-cause belong to the media elite. Julia, who participate in Uppdrag Granskning on SVT, is one of the most prominent citizens who campaign for the cause.  Conclusion: The most important conclusion in this thesis is that the Internet hatred predominantly centred on Julia and the different elite groups. The media elite was both the victim and the fiercest campaigner for the cause. Even though online hate was described as a general problem in society, it was primarily framed as a problem for the media elite. An event will be considered highly newsworthy and will end up on the media´s agenda if it is, among others, unexpected, sensational and somehow focused on an elite group. A news story is more likely to turn into a media avalanche if it raises interest and engages a large audience, as it leads to an increased demand for more articles in the news reporting.

Persuasive appeals posted to United States presidential candidates’ YouTube videos were coded using a grounded theory mixed-methods design. 37,562 comments about education, energy, Iraq, health care, the economy, and the presidential debates were randomly collected by date and time for three studies using coding analysis: pilot, presidential primaries, and the presidential election. Seven argument types were identified and theoretically refined according to dual process models of persuasion: reason-based, candidate-based, emotion-based, endorsements, enthusiasmheuristic, other-interest and self-interest. Theoretical comparisons and hypothesis testing of argument types were conducted by issue and election event. Consistent with impression involvement, reason-based appeals were more frequent during the primaries, whereas consistent with value and outcome involvement, emotion- and candidate-based appeals were more frequent during the election.