Thesis (Master of Science)--University of Wisconsin. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: p. 145-151.

ARAGÂO, Lúcia Maria Paixão. Análise da sustentabilidade do programa reforma agrária solidária - o caso do Ceará. 2003. 152 f. : Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Curso de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente, Programa Regional de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente - PRODEMA, Fortaleza-CE, 2002. / Submitted by guaracy araujo (guaraa3355@gmail.com) on 2016-05-13T16:53:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2002_dis_lmparagão.pdf: 2867340 bytes, checksum: feb857022ca97ffacbb01791dc41d065 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by guaracy araujo (guaraa3355@gmail.com) on 2016-05-13T16:53:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2002_dis_lmparagão.pdf: 2867340 bytes, checksum: feb857022ca97ffacbb01791dc41d065 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-13T16:53:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2002_dis_lmparagão.pdf: 2867340 bytes, checksum: feb857022ca97ffacbb01791dc41d065 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002 / The Brazilian Agrarian Reform was and still being the possible dream for workers who needs the mother land for their survival, their live and happiness. On the same way, the Agrarian Reform has been used as a powerful arm from administrators of this country, with the compromise to do it, in their government plans, in the last four decades, as a strategy to attract sympathy of the society compromised with Agrarian Reform and of those who needs the land for their live and to gain their survival. Various land redistribution policies have been adopted along the last three decades; however did not resolve the land concentration problem. According with studies of Professor Rodolfo Huffmann of UNICAMP, based on GINI index, the fundiary structure of Brazil, according on INCRA registers from 1967 to 1988 is one of the greatest in the world. In 1985 was approved a National Plan of Agrarian Reform – PNRA, which has given a north for criteria’s for Brazilian lands misappropriation, keeping, however, the interest of huge land owners and rural business. In 1987 the state of Ceará starts one policy of loaning for buy land with support of World Bank, already implemented in South Africa, Colombia and Paraguay, under a denomination of Solidary Agrarian Reform, further amplied for the Northeast Region with the name of Land Cellule, Land Bank and today as Fundiario Credit. This program has as a goal reduce and alleviate the rural poverty throughout a fundiaria re-struturation, capable of put the beneficiaries in a sustainable process that ends poverty and promote the social well being of the families. The objective of this work is to investigate sustainability and the Agrarian Reform Program impacts on the mutuarias families life’s, considering the original propose. The research was made in three municipalities of different ecosystems, serra, sertao and litoral, and the collected data allows make a analysis and conclusion that the conditions and program norms doesn’t guarantee not even his duration for a long period, much less a poverty reduction in the campo. Poverty is a phenomena which results from a development model funded in the economic growth and according to studies of NEAD, particularly from the 70’s, the economy was sustained in a internal market expansion of durable consume goods, identified with a basic consume box of the middle and high classes, model characterized as a excluding. Significant part of the population marginalized from the benefits of the economic progress. This model was created not from the Brazilian nation interests, but stimulated by multilaterals international organisms that have an economic interest in Brazil. The research can make an analysis and conclusion that the Solidary Agrarian Reform Program show itself as fundiaria restructuration through the land market but isn’t sustainable as an agrarian policy capable of bring to the benefited classes conditions of turn the land productive and rentable for omission of agrarian policies, having as a basis the reality of the Ceará semi-arid. / A reforma agrária no Brasil sempre foi e continua sendo o sonho acalentado por trabalhadores e trabalhadoras que necessitam da terra mãe para dela tirar seu sustento, a vida, a felicidade. Da mesma forma, a reforma agrária tem sido utilizada como arma poderosa pelos administradores deste país, sob compromisso de executála, em seus planos de governo, nas últimas quatro décadas, como estratégia para atrair a simpatia da sociedade civil comprometida com a reforma agrária e dos que da terra precisam para viver e dela tirar seu sustento. Várias políticas de redistribuição de terra vêm sendo adotadas ao longo destas últimas três décadas; no entanto não resolveram o problema da concentração da terra. Baseado no índice de GINI, a estrutura fundiária do Brasil, fundamentada no cadastro do INCRA de 1967 a 1988, é uma das maiores do mundo. Em 1985, foi aprovado o Plano Nacional de Reforma Agrária (PNRA), que norteou critérios para desapropriações de terras no Brasil, resguardando, porém, interesses dos grandes proprietários e empresas rurais. Em 1997, o Ceará inaugura uma política de financiamento de terras com apoio do Banco Mundial, já implantado na África do Sul, na Colômbia e Paraguai, sob a denominação de Reforma Agrária Solidária, posteriormente ampliado para a região Nordeste com o nome de Cédula da Terra, Banco da Terra, hoje Crédito Fundiário, programa que visa reduzir e aliviar a pobreza rural, por meio da reestruturação fundiária, capaz de inserir os beneficiários em um processo sustentável que elimine a pobreza e promova o bem-estar social das famílias. O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a sustentabilidade do Programa Reforma Agrária, considerando sua proposta original. A pesquisa foi realizada em três municípios de ecossistemas diferenciados - serra, sertão e litoral - e os dados coletados permitem analisar e concluir que as condições e normas do programa não garantem nem mesmo sua duração por um tempo mais longo, muito menos a redução da pobreza no campo. A pobreza é um fenômeno que resulta de um modelo de desenvolvimento fundamentado no crescimento econômico e, de acordo com estudos do NEAD, principalmente a partir dos anos 70, a economia sustentou-se na expansão do mercado interno de bens de consumo durável, identificados à cesta básica de consumo da classe média e alta, e nos investimentos de base, modelo caracterizado como excludente. Marginalizou parte significativa da população dos benefícios do progresso econômico. Modelo este criado não pelos interesses da nação brasileira, mas estimulado pelos organismos internacionais multilaterais, que têm interesses econômicos no Brasil. A pesquisa realizada permite analisar e concluir que o Programa Reforma Agrária Solidária apresenta-se como medida de reestruturação fundiária via mercado de terras, mas não se sustenta como uma política agrária capaz de proporcionar à população beneficiada condições de tornar a terra produtiva e rentável, pela omissão de políticas agrícolas, tendo por base a realidade do semi-árido cearense.

nÃo hà / A reforma agrÃria no Brasil sempre foi e continua sendo o sonho acalentado por trabalhadores e trabalhadoras que necessitam da terra mÃe para dela tirar seu sustento, a vida, a felicidade. Da mesma forma, a reforma agrÃria tem sido utilizada como arma poderosa pelos administradores deste paÃs, sob compromisso de executÃla, em seus planos de governo, nas Ãltimas quatro dÃcadas, como estratÃgia para atrair a simpatia da sociedade civil comprometida com a reforma agrÃria e dos que da terra precisam para viver e dela tirar seu sustento. VÃrias polÃticas de redistribuiÃÃo de terra vÃm sendo adotadas ao longo destas Ãltimas trÃs dÃcadas; no entanto nÃo resolveram o problema da concentraÃÃo da terra. Baseado no Ãndice de GINI, a estrutura fundiÃria do Brasil, fundamentada no cadastro do INCRA de 1967 a 1988, à uma das maiores do mundo. Em 1985, foi aprovado o Plano Nacional de Reforma AgrÃria (PNRA), que norteou critÃrios para desapropriaÃÃes de terras no Brasil, resguardando, porÃm, interesses dos grandes proprietÃrios e empresas rurais. Em 1997, o Cearà inaugura uma polÃtica de financiamento de terras com apoio do Banco Mundial, jà implantado na Ãfrica do Sul, na ColÃmbia e Paraguai, sob a denominaÃÃo de Reforma AgrÃria SolidÃria, posteriormente ampliado para a regiÃo Nordeste com o nome de CÃdula da Terra, Banco da Terra, hoje CrÃdito FundiÃrio, programa que visa reduzir e aliviar a pobreza rural, por meio da reestruturaÃÃo fundiÃria, capaz de inserir os beneficiÃrios em um processo sustentÃvel que elimine a pobreza e promova o bem-estar social das famÃlias. O objetivo deste trabalho à investigar a sustentabilidade do Programa Reforma AgrÃria, considerando sua proposta original. A pesquisa foi realizada em trÃs municÃpios de ecossistemas diferenciados - serra, sertÃo e litoral - e os dados coletados permitem analisar e concluir que as condiÃÃes e normas do programa nÃo garantem nem mesmo sua duraÃÃo por um tempo mais longo, muito menos a reduÃÃo da pobreza no campo. A pobreza à um fenÃmeno que resulta de um modelo de desenvolvimento fundamentado no crescimento econÃmico e, de acordo com estudos do NEAD, principalmente a partir dos anos 70, a economia sustentou-se na expansÃo do mercado interno de bens de consumo durÃvel, identificados à cesta bÃsica de consumo da classe mÃdia e alta, e nos investimentos de base, modelo caracterizado como excludente. Marginalizou parte significativa da populaÃÃo dos benefÃcios do progresso econÃmico. Modelo este criado nÃo pelos interesses da naÃÃo brasileira, mas estimulado pelos organismos internacionais multilaterais, que tÃm interesses econÃmicos no Brasil. A pesquisa realizada permite analisar e concluir que o Programa Reforma AgrÃria SolidÃria apresenta-se como medida de reestruturaÃÃo fundiÃria via mercado de terras, mas nÃo se sustenta como uma polÃtica agrÃria capaz de proporcionar à populaÃÃo beneficiada condiÃÃes de tornar a terra produtiva e rentÃvel, pela omissÃo de polÃticas agrÃcolas, tendo por base a realidade do semi-Ãrido cearense. / The Brazilian Agrarian Reform was and still being the possible dream for workers who needs the mother land for their survival, their live and happiness. On the same way, the Agrarian Reform has been used as a powerful arm from administrators of this country, with the compromise to do it, in their government plans, in the last four decades, as a strategy to attract sympathy of the society compromised with Agrarian Reform and of those who needs the land for their live and to gain their survival. Various land redistribution policies have been adopted along the last three decades; however did not resolve the land concentration problem. According with studies of Professor Rodolfo Huffmann of UNICAMP, based on GINI index, the fundiary structure of Brazil, according on INCRA registers from 1967 to 1988 is one of the greatest in the world. In 1985 was approved a National Plan of Agrarian Reform â PNRA, which has given a north for criteriaâs for Brazilian lands misappropriation, keeping, however, the interest of huge land owners and rural business. In 1987 the state of Cearà starts one policy of loaning for buy land with support of World Bank, already implemented in South Africa, Colombia and Paraguay, under a denomination of Solidary Agrarian Reform, further amplied for the Northeast Region with the name of Land Cellule, Land Bank and today as Fundiario Credit. This program has as a goal reduce and alleviate the rural poverty throughout a fundiaria re-struturation, capable of put the beneficiaries in a sustainable process that ends poverty and promote the social well being of the families. The objective of this work is to investigate sustainability and the Agrarian Reform Program impacts on the mutuarias families lifeâs, considering the original propose. The research was made in three municipalities of different ecosystems, serra, sertao and litoral, and the collected data allows make a analysis and conclusion that the conditions and program norms doesnât guarantee not even his duration for a long period, much less a poverty reduction in the campo. Poverty is a phenomena which results from a development model funded in the economic growth and according to studies of NEAD, particularly from the 70âs, the economy was sustained in a internal market expansion of durable consume goods, identified with a basic consume box of the middle and high classes, model characterized as a excluding. Significant part of the population marginalized from the benefits of the economic progress. This model was created not from the Brazilian nation interests, but stimulated by multilaterals international organisms that have an economic interest in Brazil. The research can make an analysis and conclusion that the Solidary Agrarian Reform Program show itself as fundiaria restructuration through the land market but isnât sustainable as an agrarian policy capable of bring to the benefited classes conditions of turn the land productive and rentable for omission of agrarian policies, having as a basis the reality of the Cearà semi-arid.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2017-07-13T14:46:26Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Dissert_LaísLapa_BC.pdf: 1812218 bytes, checksum: f5547f700b25ef14189ea8235f7a2d15 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-13T14:46:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Dissert_LaísLapa_BC.pdf: 1812218 bytes, checksum: f5547f700b25ef14189ea8235f7a2d15 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-27 / CNPQ / A função social da propriedade rural, enquanto direito, princípio e garantia estabelecidos na Constituição Federal de 1988, constitui o conceito central da presente dissertação de mestrado e sua abordagem teve como fundamento a versão contra-hegemônica dos direitos humanos, aqui reconhecida como instrumento de transformação e superação de maneira radicalmente democrática dos conflitos por terra no Brasil. O objetivo geral da pesquisa reside na análise das experiências históricas do Assentamento Normandia e do Acampamento na Fazenda Papagaio - ambos localizados na região Agreste do estado de Pernambuco -, nas quais procuramos identificar as determinações sociojurídicas que conduziram, na primeira, ao reconhecimento da função social da propriedade rural e, na segunda, ao impedimento à sua efetivação enquanto condição que possibilita a expansão da justiça social, ainda que nos marcos de uma sociedade capitalista. Nessa perspectiva, fizemos a opção metodológica pela pesquisa bibliográfica e documental com abordagem qualitativa. Inicialmente, dedicamo-nos ao estudo das principais obras dos autores clássicos do pensamento social brasileiro com a finalidade de compreender os fundamentos históricos da estrutura agrária do Brasil e os níveis elevados de concentração fundiária que a caracterizam. Em seguida, investigamos a regulamentação do conceito de função social da propriedade rural nas cartas magnas brasileiras e no plano jurídico infraconstitucional, bem como os principais debates travados a seu respeito. Construído o quadro teórico, pudemos desenvolver, com maior consistência, a última etapa da presente dissertação, na qual realizamos uma pesquisa documental com base nos processos administrativos e judiciais relativos a cada uma das citadas experiências. Ao final, a pesquisa nos permitiu concluir que o próprio texto constitucional sofre diferentes interpretações, podendo ser instrumentalizado para atender aos interesses da elite agrária brasileira. Assim, se, por um lado, a experiência do Assentamento Normandia revelou a inserção da dimensão social e política do conflito por terra no debate jurídico e o reconhecimento da função social da propriedade rural como instrumento que possibilita a efetivação de um conjunto de direitos fundamentais, por outro, a experiência do Acampamento Papagaio demonstrou a limitação do debate sobre a reforma agrária a uma discussão exclusivamente técnica relativa à (im)produtividade da terra, acabando por gerar uma leitura do dispositivo constitucional que regula a função social da propriedade rural funcional à reprodução da lógica segragacionista imposta pelo direito de propriedade em seu aspeto mais tradicional. / The social function of rural property, as related to rights, principle and guaranty stated in the Federal Constitution of 1988, forms the basis for the central concept of this master degree thesis and its approach had as basement the counter hegemonics version of human rights, here recognized as an instrument of transformation and overcoming in a radical and democratic way of conflicts for land in Brazil. The general aim of this search is the analyses of historic conflicts in Normandia settlement and encampment on Papagaio farm.- both located in rural area of the state of Pernambuco - where we sought to identify the social and juridical determinations that drove, in the first, to the acceptance of social function of rural property and second, to the obstruction to its execution while condition that enables the expansion of social justice, even though in the marks of a capitalist society. Based on these facts, we made the methodological choice of bibliographical and documentary with qualitative approach. Initially, we devoted to the study of the major works of classical authors of the social Brazilian thought with the objective to understand the historical basement of agrarian structure of Brazil and the high levels of landholding concentration that features it. Then, we explored the regulation of the concept of social function of rural property in Brazilian magna-letter and the infra constitutional judicial plan and also the main debates that happened regarded to it. Built the theorist chart, we developed with more consciousness the last stage of this present thesis, in which we got the direction to have a documental search based on judicial and administrative proceedings related to each of the mentioned experiments. Finally, the search let us to deduce that the constitutional text itself admits different interpretations, it can be exploited to attend the interests of Brazilian agrarian elite. So, if by one side the experiment of Normandia settlement revealed the insertion of social dimension and the political conflicts for land in judicial debate and the recognition of social function of rural property as an instrument that enables the execution of a set of fundamental rights, on the other side, the experiment of Papagaio encampment showed the restriction of debate about agrarian reform to an exclusive technical discussion related to the poorness of the land, leading to create a reading of the constitutional apparatus that regulates the social function of functional rural property to the reproduction of logical segregation imposed by the rights of property in its more traditional aspect.

<p>This study approaches Óscar Romero by attending to his intimate involvement in and concern for the problematic surrounding the reform of Salvadoran agriculture and the conflict over property and possession underlying it. In this study, I situate Romero in relation to the concentration of landholding and the production of landlessness in El Salvador over the course of the twentieth century, and I examine his participation in the longstanding societal and ecclesial debate about agrarian reform provoked by these realities. I try to show how close attention to agrarian reform and what was at stake in it can illumine not only the conflict that occasioned Romero’s martyrdom but the meaning of the martyrdom itself. </p><p>Understanding Romero’s involvement in the debate about agrarian reform requires sustained attention to how it takes its bearings from the line of thinking about property and possession for which Pope Leo XIII’s 1891 encyclical Rerum novarum stands as a new beginning. The enclyclical tradition developing out of Leo’s pontificate is commonly referred to as Catholic social doctrine or Catholic social teaching. Romero’s and the Church’s participation in the debate about agrarian reform in El Salvador is unintelligible apart from it. </p><p>What Romero and the encyclical tradition share, I argue, is an understanding of creation as a common gift, from which follows a distinctive construal of property and the demands of justice with respect to possessing it. On this view, property does not name, as it is often taken to mean, the enclosure of what is common for the exclusive use of its possessors—something to be held by them over and against others. Rather, property and everything related to its holding derive from the claim that creation is a gift given to human creatures in common. The acknowledgement of creation as a common gift gives rise to what I describe in this study as a politics of common use, of which agrarian reform is one expression. </p><p>In Romero’s El Salvador, those who took the truth of creation as common gift seriously—those who spoke out against or opposed the ubiquity of the concentration of land and who clamored for agrarian reform so that the landless and land-poor could have access to land to cultivate for subsistence—suffered greatly as a consequence. I argue that, among other things, their suffering shows how, under the conditions of sin and violence, those who work to ensure that others have access to what is theirs in justice often risk laying down their lives in charity. In other words, they witness to the way that God’s work to restore creation has a cruciform shape. Therefore, while the advocacy for agrarian reform begins with the understanding of creation as common gift, the testimony to this truth in word and in deed points to the telos of the gift and the common life in the crucified and risen Lord in which it participates</p> / Dissertation

One of the greatest legacies of the Sandinista Revolution was agrarian reform. Despite the amount of land redistributed, this process happened without any form of legal documentation to support the transfer of property from one owner to the next. The end of the civil war, the peace accords and the transition of power from left to right-wing parties produced conflicting policies that would bring high levels of complexity to the system of land tenure in the country. The case of the state-owned sugar mill, Ingenio Victoria de Julio – El Timal is of one the most emblematic examples of how slow and inefficient Nicaraguan institutions have been in solving land tenure issues in 26 years.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / A major and unresolved challenge facing South Africa’s post-apartheid government, is how best to overcome the historical injustices of land dispossession and the resultant poverty now found in the communal areas of the former 'homelands'. In line with the South African government’s hybrid of neo-liberal and social welfare approaches to development, one important strategy for addressing these challenges has so far been the promotion of inclusive business models such as joint ventures (JVs), especially in the context of land restitution claims, but also in communal areas. This study explores the impacts of the JV model on livelihoods and land rights and use, and engages with key debates regarding the dynamics of class formation in the former 'homelands' of South Africa. The study undertakes a comparative analysis of two Joint Venture (JV) dairy farms, involving the same agribusiness partner, Amadlelo Agri. The farms are located on irrigation schemes in the former Ciskei of South Africa’s Eastern Cape Province. The JVs involve residents from the rural settlements of Keiskammahoek and Shiloh, as both landowners and workers. The comparative case study presented here illustrates quite divergent outcomes when the same JV model is implemented in different rural settlements, most powerfully because of differences in the class structure of each settlement. Class analysis helps to explain the more intense intragroup conflicts that have emerged around the JV in Shiloh. Intragroup dynamics and conflicts, which have historical roots extending beyond the implementation of the JV intervention, are also critical to understanding divergent outcomes. A class-analytic approach assists in understanding the tensions that the JV model of capitalist farming generates in relation to household reproduction, in a class-differentiated manner. The sole focus in much of the literature on agricultural investments has been on relationships between agribusiness, and what are too often portrayed as homogenous 'communities’. However, this thesis illustrates that this approach is misleading when applied to analysis of the real politics on the ground. Struggles over jobs, dividends and land take place within highly differentiated communities. Investigating the inter- and intra-household distribution of JV benefits and risks is central to understanding the impacts of the JV on livelihoods and incomes, and also the emerging contentions and conflicts. To this end, I explore how class interacts with other aspects of social difference, particularly gender, kinship, ethnicity, race, generation and religious affiliation. A class-analytic approach is significant because it illuminates the emerging agrarian class structure that a JV-type intervention both reflects and in turn conditions, in dialectical fashion. It thus allows exploration of the implications of the JV model for wider processes of agrarian change in South Africa. Although there is evidence of livelihood benefits being derived by some households, as well as limited opportunities for accumulation, the JV model does not appear to stimulate the emergence of a class of productive black farmers. Significantly, the study could not identify any households as 'middle farmers', reliant on 'accumulation from below', which many authors consider to be a more progressive, dynamic and desirable pathway of agrarian reform. The JV model is at risk of equating ‘black emerging farmers’ with a group of customary landowners, who are in reality workers and 'passive recipients' of JV dividends and land rents.

A produção cafeeira da segunda metade do século XIX não só atraiu fotógrafos para atestar reconhecimento à nova elite agrária, por meio do retrato em estúdio, como também gerou subsídios à imigração europeia para trabalhar nas fazendas de café. No sistema de colonato, a unidade de produção era familiar, mas a mulher, mesmo conjugando o trabalho na roça com o de subsistência, não era considerada trabalhadora rural. A mecanização da produção, a concentração da propriedade de terra e a aprovação de direitos trabalhistas no campo geraram uma expulsão em massa desses trabalhadores para as cidades, surgindo a figura da boia-fria. Mesmo com sua força de trabalho considerada individualmente, as mulheres ganhavam menos que os homens, enfrentavam o preconceito por andar de pau-de-arara, além de assumir uma segunda jornada na criação dos filhos e nas tarefas domésticas. Movimentos de retorno ao campo por meio da ocupação de latifúndios improdutivos foram se consolidando a partir da década de 1960, mas essa nova estrutura social construída nos acampamentos mantinha a mesma tradição patriarcal, em que o homem assume as posições de liderança e o título da terra, quando dividida. As mulheres exigiram seus direitos criando diferentes movimentos de emancipação, em busca de reconhecimento do seu trabalho, direitos previdenciários e mais participação política, e essas mudanças conquistadas foram alavancadas por políticas públicas de equidade de gênero no campo a partir de 2003. Não só o papel social da mulher camponesa de reforma agrária mudou, como também a imagem que ela tem de si. Nesse contexto que algumas mulheres do Assentamento Dandara, na cidade de Promissão, estado de São Paulo, foram retratadas fotograficamente e conduziram a forma como gostariam de ser vistas. As produções fotográficas foram acompanhadas de análise individual e coletiva, fabulações de si e dos seus pares pela mediação da memória e do imaginário. / The coffee production of the second half of the 19th century draw not only photographers that acknowledged the new rural elite\'s recognition through the practice of studio portraits, but also enabled the migration of European workers to the coffee plantations. In the system of \"colonato\", the production unit was typically familiar, but women were not considered rural workers per se, even though they worked both at home and in the farms. Production mechanization, property concentration of land and new labour legislation forced a huge migration of these rural workers to big cities, giving birth to the \"boias frias\". Women, even though regarded as an individual work force, were paid less than men and had to face prejudice for sharing the \"pau-de-arara\" system of transportation. They also faced a second working day burden by raising the children and keeping up with housework. From the 1960\'s on, the return of these people to rural areas was marked by the occupation of unproductive land properties. This new social structure built in the settlements, though, kept the same patriarchal traditions, in which men hold leadership positions and own the land titling. Women, then, started to demand their own rights by creating different emancipation movements focused on having their work recognized, as much as access to retirement rights and political emancipation. Those changes were accomplished with the support of new gender equity public policies and helped change not only the social role of the peasant women involved in the agrarian reform but the image these women had of themselves. It is in this context that some women from Dandara settlement, in Promissão city, São Paulo state, were portraited in photographs by deciding the way they wanted to be seen. These photographic productions were followed by individual and collective analyses, as much the fabulation of themselves and their rural peers through memory and imaginary.

Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Banca: José Geraldo Bertoncini Poker / Banca: Francisco Graziano Neto / Banca: Aureo Busetto / Banca: Milton Carlos Costa / Resumo: A partir da década de 50 intensificam-se os debates em torno da efetivação de medidas legais que pudessem viabilizar a execução da reforma agrária no país. Com objetivos ideológicos diversos, direita e esquerda proclamavam a execução da reforma agrária. Paralelamente a esse debate e como conseqüência deste, seguiu-se um período marcado por impasses políticos que obstruíram qualquer tentativa de aprovação de uma legislação agrária para o país. As discussões invariavelmente recaíam sobre os instrumentos, o alcance e a natureza que a reforma agrária deveria assumir. Após o golpe militar, na vigência do governo do Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco ocorreu, para a surpresa de alguns e inconformismo de outros, a promulgação da Lei n.º 4.504. Sob a denominação Estatuto da Terra a lei englobava vários instrumentos anteriormente reivindicados para a execução da reforma agrária. A presente pesquisa objetivou analisar a origem do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello e sua trajetória, nos governos militares posteriores à Castello Branco. Constatou-se que motivação para a organização do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello inseria-se numa concepção econômica para o desenvolvimento nacional, neste sentido o posterior esvaziamento, ou ainda a execução parcial da Lei, não resultariam do fato dela ter sido elaborada apenas com fins políticos, mas sim das incompatibilidades dentro do próprio meio militar e das interpretações dos demais agentes envolvidos na questão agrária. / Abstract: Right from the 50's there was an intensification of debates around the legal ways that could allow the execution of an Agrarian Reform in the country. With a range of various ideologies, the right and the left politicians proclaimed the execution of the Agrarian Reform. At the same time of this debate and as its own consequence, there was began a period characterized by political obstacles able to obstruct any try of approval of an Agrarian law to the country. Invariably, all these discussions lead to the instruments, the magnitude and nature the Agrarian Reform should assume. After the Military Stroke, under the Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco Govern, there was a visible surprise of some and indignation of others as results of the promulgation of the Law n.º 4.504. Denominated Earth Statute Law, it included many instruments before claimed to the Agrarian Reform execution. This present research had as its main purpose the analysis of the Earth Statute origin on Castello's Govern and also its trajectory on subsequent governments. It was realized that the motivation for the organization of Earth Statute on Castello's Govern was insert into an economic conception to the national development, in this way an subsequent emptying, or even a partial law execution, would not result in the fact that it was elaborated only with politics goals, but of incompatibilities inside the military environment and also inside the interpretation of the other agents evolved to the agrarian issues. / Doutor

Os assentamentos rurais tornaram-se objeto de estudo em diversas áreas do conhecimento. Entretanto, são poucos os estudos baseados na subjetividade destes agricultores. Desta forma, este trabalho procura, através da análise do discurso, discutir a percepção ambiental dos agricultores vinculados à Cooperacra e ao assentamento Milton Santos, ambos situados na região de Americana, em São Paulo. Este último está inscrito na modalidade PDS - Projeto de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, concebida no âmbito do Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA) para atender particularidades da reforma agrária na Amazônia. Enquanto dispositivo de política pública, o PDS permite assentar população não tradicional em áreas de interesse ambiental, com vistas à preservação. No estado de São Paulo, o PDS constitui uma resposta à proposta de Comuna da Terra, por parte do MST, desenvolvida desde o início dos anos 2000. Tanto a modalidade PDS quanto a proposta de Comuna da Terra têm em comum a perspectiva de incentivo a práticas agrícolas mais zelosas com o ambiente, tal como a agroecologia. Desta forma, este trabalho realiza, através da análise do discurso, uma interpretação acerca da percepção ambiental destes assentados, considerando discurso e prática. Foi possível, então, identificar discursos mais produtivistas, pouco crítico, por exemplo, à produção de cana-de-açúcar que circunda o assentamento. É possível identificar ainda um segundo tipo de discursos, que mobilizam imagens positivas de uma vivência anterior no campo como orientação para a adoção de práticas agrícolas favoráveis à preservação ambiental. Neste trabalho, também discutimos a percepção e a crítica dos entrevistados acerca das representações difundidas pela mídia sobre a agricultura, o MST e a reforma agrária, no que se refere tanto aos assentados no Milton Santos quanto aos agricultores da Cooperacra. / Rural settlements have become the object of study in several areas of knowledge. However, few studies are based on the subjectivity of these farmers. In this way, this work seeks, through discourse analysis, to discuss the environmental perception of the Cooperacra farmers and the Milton Santos settlement, both located in the Americana region of São Paulo. The latter is enrolled in the modality PDS - Sustainable Development Project, conceived within the scope of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) to attend particularities of agrarian reform in the Amazon. As a public policy device, the PDS allows non-traditional populations to settle in areas of environmental interest with a view to preservation. In the state of São Paulo, the PDS is a response to the proposal of the Commune of the Earth, by the MST, developed since the beginning of the 2000s. Both the PDS modality and the Earth Commune proposal have in common the perspective of incentive to Agricultural practices that are more environmentally friendly, such as agroecology. In this way, this work performs, through discourse analysis, an interpretation about the environmental perception of these settlers, considering discourse and practice. It was possible, then, to identify more productive discourses, not critical, for example, to the production of sugarcane that surrounds the settlement. It is also possible to identify a second type of discourse that mobilizes positive images of a previous experience in the field as a guide to the adoption of agricultural practices favorable to environmental preservation. In this paper, we also discuss the perception and criticism of the interviewees about the representations made by the media about agriculture, the MST and the agrarian reform, regarding both the settlers in Milton Santos and the Cooperacra farmers.