Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo investigar de que forma ocorre o fenÃmeno da conexÃo eleitoral na produÃÃo legislativa dos vereadores da CÃmara Municipal de Fortaleza (CMF), em sua 16 legislatura (2009-2012). O trabalho està dividido em seis capÃtulos. No segundo capÃtulo, levantamos alguns fatos histÃricos a respeito da formaÃÃo das CÃmaras Municipais no Brasil e, concomitantemente, analisamos o papel do municÃpio na federaÃÃo, tendo como foco as transformaÃÃes em suas atribuiÃÃes, principalmente, apÃs a ConstituiÃÃo de 1988. No terceiro capÃtulo, apresentamos o funcionamento da CÃmara Municipal de Fortaleza e as instituiÃÃes que a compÃem, tendo como objetivo descrever a dinÃmica de trabalhos dessa casa legislativa. No capÃtulo seguinte, debatemos o conceito de conexÃo eleitoral e analisamos historicamente os pleitos municipais em Fortaleza, nosso foco foi identificar o surgimento e a atuaÃÃo de grupos polÃticos relevantes na capital cearense. Em seguida, expomos caracterÃsticas gerais do pleito de 2008 e dos candidatos eleitos: contexto da disputa, competiÃÃo e coligaÃÃes partidÃrias. No quinto capÃtulo, desenvolvemos, como ferramenta metodolÃgica, uma tipologia para classificar os vereadores. Para desenvolver essa tipificaÃÃo levamos em conta teoria sobre os vereadores, o perfil de votaÃÃo, os mapas de votaÃÃo e a relaÃÃo com as bases eleitorais. Nesse sentido, definimos os seguintes tipos: (1) vereador territorializado; (2) vereador hierÃrquico e; (3) vereador ideolÃgico. No quinto capÃtulo, apresentamos um banco de dados sobre a produÃÃo parlamentar dos vereadores, justificando a opÃÃo por quatro espÃcies legislativas especÃficas: projetos de lei ordinÃria, projetos de lei complementares, projetos de emenda à lei orgÃnica e indicaÃÃes. Em seguida, analisamos a produÃÃo legislativa tendo como variÃvel dependente os trÃs tipos de vereador e como variÃveis independentes, as espÃcies legislativas, o alcance das proposiÃÃes e as Ãreas temÃticas. Por fim, concluÃmos a existÃncia da conexÃo eleitoral em pelo menos em dois tipos, a saber, o territorializado e o ideolÃgico. Sobre o tipo hierÃrquico nÃo podemos afirmar com certeza que ele atue em funÃÃo de bases eleitorais, jà que sua relaÃÃo com eleitores à alternada e descontÃnua. Entretanto, podemos afirmar que os trÃs tipos atuam no parlamento a partir de lÃgicas distintas. Apesar dos incentivos advindos das regras de funcionamento da cÃmara, existe, com certeza, espaÃo para uma atuaÃÃo legislativa vinculada Ãs bases eleitorais, contrariando parte das pesquisas que apontam para uma conexÃo eleitoral externa aos trabalhos de proposiÃÃo legislativa. / This argumentative text aimed to investigate how the phenomenon of electoral connection occurs in the production of Legislative Councillors of the CÃmara Municipal de Fortaleza (CMF), in the 16th legislature (2009-2012). The work is divided into six chapters. In the second chapter, we raise some historical facts about the training of Municipalities in Brazil and, concomitantly, we analyze the role of the municipality in the Federation, focusing on transformations in its mission, especially after the Constitution of 1988. In the third chapter, we introduce the operation of the CÃmara Municipal de Fortaleza and the institutions that make up, having as objective to describe the dynamics of work of this legislative House. In the next chapter, we discussed the concept of electoral connection and analyze historically the municipal elections in Fortaleza, our focus was to identify the relevant political groups acting in the cearense capital after redemocratization. Then we expose General characteristics of the election of 2008 and the candidates elected: context of the dispute, competition and party coalitions. In the fifth chapter, we develop, as methodological tool, a typology for classifying the aldermen. To develop this typification take into account theory about the aldermen, the profile of voting, the voting maps and the relationship with the electoral bases. In this sense, we define the following types: (1) territorial Councillor; (2) Councillor and hierarchical; (3) Councillor ideological. In the next chapter, we present a database on the production of parliamentary Commissioners, justifying the choice of four species specific legislative: ordinary bills, supplementary law projects, projects for amendment to the organic law and guidance. Then, we analyze the legislative production having as dependent variable the three types of Alderman and as independent variables, the species, the legislative reach of propositions and the thematic areas. Finally, we conclude the existence of electoral connection in at least two types, namely, the territorial and ideological. About the tiered type we cannot say for sure that he acts on the basis of electoral bases, since his relationship with voters is toggled and discontinuous. However, we can say that the three types Act in Parliament from separate logics. Despite incentives from the rules of operation of the camera, there is certainly room for a legislative action linked to electoral bases, contrary to part of the polls that point to a connection to the works of foreign electoral legislative proposition.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a implantação das Subprefeituras na cidade de São Paulo no governo de Marta Suplicy (2001-2004) como mecanismo para descentralizar atividades e recursos para serem geridos nos territórios. A pesquisa buscou compreender como esse processo adotou sua configuração política e administrativa em face da forma como o Executivo transformou esse tema no principal recurso político para construir sua coalizão de apoio junto aos vereadores. Ao mesmo tempo, essa escolha política resultou num afastamento do governo do PT da tese que vinculava descentralização com poder local e democracia participativa nos territórios. A despeito de o Orçamento Participativo ter existido, seu peso na estratégia política do governo foi secundário, ademais de ter havido um recuo na implantação dos Conselhos de Representante para não por em risco a política de alianças, visto que os vereadores eram contrários a uma instância que fiscalizaria sua atuação. Administrativamente, a descentralização tomou um curso errático, pois as Secretarias municipais temerosas de perderem poder para as Subprefeituras, o que constrangeu a forma, o ritmo e o escopo da descentralização. Desse modo, ao invés de ocorrer um processo uniforme e geral, a implantação das Subprefeituras foi irregular, já que dependeu da dinâmica de cada política setorial e seus desdobramentos nas regiões. Para tratar essas duas questões, a pesquisa realiza uma análise geral desse projeto de governo e seleciona dois casos (Freguesia do Ó e Capela do Socorro) visando discutir como tais impasses e escolhas políticas se expressaram nos territórios. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the implementation of the Subdistricts in the city of São Paulo in the Marta Suplicys government (2001-2004) as a mechanism to decentralize activities and resources to be managed in the territories. The research sought understanding how this process took its political and administrative configuration inface of how the Executive transformed this issue in the main political resource to build his support coalition along with the aldermen. At the same time, this political choice resulted in a departure from the PT government\'s argument that linked local decentralization with participatory democracy in the territories. Despite of the existence of the Participatory Budget, its weight in thegovernments political strategy was secondary, furthermore there has been a retreat in the implementation of the Councils of Representatives to not endanger the policy of alliances, because the aldermen were opposed to a body that would supervise their work. Administratively, the decentralization took an erratic course, because the municipal Departments were fearful of losing power to the Subdistricts, which constrained the way, the pace and scope of decentralization. Thus, instead of incurring a general and uniform process, the implementation of the Subdistricts was uneven, since it depended on the dynamics of each of the sectors and its development in the territories. To analyze this issues, the research conducts a general analysis of this government project and selects two cases (Freguesia do Ó and Capela do Socorro) addressing to discuss how such deadlocks and political choices were expressed in the territories.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a implantação das Subprefeituras na cidade de São Paulo no governo de Marta Suplicy (2001-2004) como mecanismo para descentralizar atividades e recursos para serem geridos nos territórios. A pesquisa buscou compreender como esse processo adotou sua configuração política e administrativa em face da forma como o Executivo transformou esse tema no principal recurso político para construir sua coalizão de apoio junto aos vereadores. Ao mesmo tempo, essa escolha política resultou num afastamento do governo do PT da tese que vinculava descentralização com poder local e democracia participativa nos territórios. A despeito de o Orçamento Participativo ter existido, seu peso na estratégia política do governo foi secundário, ademais de ter havido um recuo na implantação dos Conselhos de Representante para não por em risco a política de alianças, visto que os vereadores eram contrários a uma instância que fiscalizaria sua atuação. Administrativamente, a descentralização tomou um curso errático, pois as Secretarias municipais temerosas de perderem poder para as Subprefeituras, o que constrangeu a forma, o ritmo e o escopo da descentralização. Desse modo, ao invés de ocorrer um processo uniforme e geral, a implantação das Subprefeituras foi irregular, já que dependeu da dinâmica de cada política setorial e seus desdobramentos nas regiões. Para tratar essas duas questões, a pesquisa realiza uma análise geral desse projeto de governo e seleciona dois casos (Freguesia do Ó e Capela do Socorro) visando discutir como tais impasses e escolhas políticas se expressaram nos territórios. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the implementation of the Subdistricts in the city of São Paulo in the Marta Suplicys government (2001-2004) as a mechanism to decentralize activities and resources to be managed in the territories. The research sought understanding how this process took its political and administrative configuration inface of how the Executive transformed this issue in the main political resource to build his support coalition along with the aldermen. At the same time, this political choice resulted in a departure from the PT government\'s argument that linked local decentralization with participatory democracy in the territories. Despite of the existence of the Participatory Budget, its weight in thegovernments political strategy was secondary, furthermore there has been a retreat in the implementation of the Councils of Representatives to not endanger the policy of alliances, because the aldermen were opposed to a body that would supervise their work. Administratively, the decentralization took an erratic course, because the municipal Departments were fearful of losing power to the Subdistricts, which constrained the way, the pace and scope of decentralization. Thus, instead of incurring a general and uniform process, the implementation of the Subdistricts was uneven, since it depended on the dynamics of each of the sectors and its development in the territories. To analyze this issues, the research conducts a general analysis of this government project and selects two cases (Freguesia do Ó and Capela do Socorro) addressing to discuss how such deadlocks and political choices were expressed in the territories.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les profits engendrés par l’accomplissement des sept œuvres de miséricorde à Lille dans les trois derniers siècles du Moyen Âge. Au sein du comté de Flandre, Lille est une ville étonnamment calme par rapport à ses voisines néerlandophones et relativement peu étudiée. Lille a connu l’autorité successive des comtes de Flandre, des rois de France puis des ducs de Bourgogne. En 1237, la comtesse Jeanne de Constantinople y fonde pour le salut de son âme un hôpital fortement doté, destiné à accueillir le plus grand nombre possible de pauvres. Au tout début du XVIe siècle, la densité des institutions charitables est forte dans la ville puisque celle-ci compte, pour 25 000 habitants (hypothèse très haute), seize hôpitaux, un orphelinat en gestation pour les garçons ainsi que sept charités paroissiales. En plus de ces institutions, il faut ajouter les nombreuses aumônes accomplies par les particuliers. Les secours aux pauperes Christi sont au cœur de nombreux dispositifs mémoriels. Les institutions charitables constituent de véritables enjeux économiques tant par leurs richesses, qu’elles replacent sur les marchés, que par leurs besoins en denrées et en main-d’œuvre. Une enquête prosopographique montre que leur gestion permet à ceux qui ne peuvent faire partie du Magistrat pour des raisons politiques ou familiales, de trouver malgré tout une place utile et honorable dans la société. In fine, l’étude montre que le contrôle – même indirect – des institutions charitables représente un enjeu politique entre les bourgeois et leurs gouvernants et renforce aussi les liens qui les unissent. / This PhD thesis concerns the profits generated by the accomplishment of the seven works of mercy in Lille, during the last three centuries of the Middle Ages. Within the County of Flanders, Lille is a quiet astonishing town, especially compared to its Dutch-speaking neighbours. Its case has only seldom been studied. Lille was successively ruled by the counts of Flanders, the kings of France and the dukes of Burgundy. In 1237, Countess Joan of Constantinople founded for the sake of her soul, a hospital that she endowed a lot. The goal of the institution was to welcome as many pauperes Christi as possible. At the very beginning of the 16th century, the density of charitable institutions in a 25 000 inhabitants town (a generous hypothesis) was very high, with 16 hospitals, one orphanage in developement, seven parochial charities and numerous alms made by individuals. The goal of helping the pauperes Christi was at the heart of numerous memorial devices. Charitable institutions constituted an important economic issues, due to their wealth and needs in goods and workforce. A prosopographical research shows that their management allows people who could not participate to the Magistrat to obtain an honourable place into the society. Finally, this study shows that the control of charitable institutions – even if indirect – does not only represent a political issue between citizens and their rulers but reinforces their connections.

The aim of this thesis is to map the situation at the Prague City Hall between 1887 and 1893 during the governance of mayor Jindřich Šolc. The introduction deals with the development of the capital city of the Kingdom of Bohemia in the second half of the nineteenth century, and personal and public life of Jindřich Šolc. The thesis is based on materials of Prague City Archives and contemporary press reflecting actual events. It analysis the events of public interest and tries to describe the crucial problems and the greatest achievements of the local government of that time. It depicts the mayor's unusual start of his office, and on the example of two scandals it tries to show his complicated position. It monitors the implementation of particular municipal projects, shows the difficulties associated with the language issues and focuses on the relations between the Old Czechs' majority and the Young Czechs' opposition. It describes in detail the process of election battles that resulted into Jindřich Šolc leaving the local politics, followed by concluding of the town hall compromising agreement, ensuring the National Liberal Party (Young Czechs) stronger representation in the city council. Key words: Jindřich Šolc, Prague, local municipality, mayor, board of aldermen, city council, Prague City Hall,...

Veronika Knotková, Prague Municipal Clerks 1900-1950 Abstract This work, based mainly on primary resources, deals with the issues of bureaucracy, i.e. with the elite group of officials/clerks of the legal category of the Prague Municipal Office in the first half of the 20th century. During this relatively long period, Prague reached a position of modern capital of a new state, Czechoslovakia, and one of Central European metropolises. The core of the thesis lays in explaining principles of functioning of the municipal bureaucracy, the development of its position, the course of its career and the factors that influenced them. Attention is paid to the mutual relations within this group and both to their individual and group strategies, with regard to other municipal officials of other than juristic previous university education within the Prague municipal office as well as to the relations of officials and representatives of municipal administration. It shows how the disciplinary rules were applied. Adequate attention is paid to the relationship/interventions of state administration into the self-government sphere.