L'OMC existe et l'Algérie a présenté sa candidature. Cette procédure d'accession dure depuis plus de 23 ans et n'a toujours pas abouti. L'objet de cette thèse est d'expliquer les raisons apparentes et profondes de la lenteur de cette candidature en s'appuyant sur la situation de l'Algérie et sur les modalités de fonctionnement du système commercial multilatéral. / The WTO exists and Algeria has applied to be a member. This application process has been going on for over 23 years and has not reached a conclusioon yet. The aim of this thesis is to explain the reasons both obvious and hidden for the slowness of the process based on the situation of Algeria and on the working rules of the multilateral trade system.

This thesis looks at how news shaped people's relationship to the world in Algeria under French rule. This territory operated under an uncertain legal status that made it both a part of France and a colony, and within it lived a society divided between European settlers and Muslim natives. Accounts of recent events helped Algerians determine what was domestic and what was foreign in a place where those two notions were highly contested. Colonialism did not close Algeria off from the world or open it up, instead it created a particular geography. In a series of case-studies taken from across Algeria, this thesis investigates a wide range of types of news: manuscripts, rumours, wire dispatches, newspapers, illustrations, songs, newsreels, and radio broadcasts. It focuses on the period in which Algeria's legal status as part of France was most certain, from the end of the conquest and the consolidation of Republican rule in the 1880s to the outbreak of the Second World War. In this period, authorities thought the influence of outside events on Algeria was a bigger threat than disturbances within. Because of this, state surveillance produced reports to monitor foreign news, and these form the backbone of this study. But state attempts to manage the flow of news had unintended effects. Instead of establishing effective censorship, authorities ended up spreading news and making it more politically sensitive. Settlers, supposedly the state's allies, proved highly disruptive to state attempts to control the flow of information. Through a social history of information in a settler colonial society, this research reconsiders the relationship between changes in media and people's sense of community. From the telegraph to the radio, new technologies worked to divide colonial society rather than tying it together, and the same medium could lead to divergent senses of community.

The AFL-CIO established and maintained a foreign affairs organization, independent of the U.S. State Department, between the years 1954 and 1962. It engaged in foreign affairs activities as a means to protect itself and its ideology from domestic and foreign interference, to maintain or enhance domestic power and to satisfy its leaders' interests. What were the union's foreign policy commitments? Why were these chosen and by whom? How were these policies implemented? How effective was the union in fulfilling its commitments?The purpose of this paper is to answer these questions using the AFLCIO's activities in support of the Algerian independence movement, 19541962, as the primary example. Algeria was chosen because American labor actions on behalf of Algerian independence clearly demonstrated labor's principal foreign policy, commitment, viz. anti-Communism, and illustrated two of the main components of this basic policy: ending colonialism and gaining allies for the West.The Algerian example demonstrated the lengths to which labor would go in its struggle against Communism. Algeria was not a colony but an integral part of France, much like Alaska is of the United States. However, because the AFL-CIO leaders feared Communist infiltration of Algeria, they refused to recognize Algeria's legal status and supported its secession from France.In support of independence, American labor used the full range of its foreign policy options, including direct assistance to Algerian trade States to urge France to surrender Algeria. Labor's pursuit of its policies in and for Algeria did not go smoothly. The U.S. continued to supportunionists and indirect assistance to the revolution by pressuring the United France. The French were unrelenting in their opposition to labor's activities. The Algerian nationalists refused to compromise their conditions for accepting direct aid from American labor. Even after Algeria achieved independence, American labor could not be sure it had accomplished its goals. Algeria outlawed the Communist Party but it also refused alignment with the West and muzzled its trade union. American labor had difficulty implementing its policies in Algeria because most American labor leaders held unrealistic expectations regarding the role of labor in independent Algeria.Since it is necessary to document the existence of a separate labor foreign policy organization, an historical sketch is included in this paper. Further, to understand the circumstances surrounding the Algerian independence movement which affect labor's and the U.S. State Department's attitudes and activities, it is useful to know the nature of the relationships among Algeria, France and the U.S. Another historical sketch accomplishes this.The paper demonstratesthat the AFL-CIO (between 1954 and 1962) maintained an independent foreign affairs organization which established and pursued foreign policies. These policies were determined by the AFLCIO leadership and were primarily directed toward combatting Communism by developing free democratic trade union(s). The Algerian example will show that the implementation of union policies yielded inconclusive results due to circumstances largely beyond the union's control, viz. Algeria's determination to become an unaligned nation and its unwillingness to permit its trade union to become a source of potential political and economic opposition.

Thèse (Ph.D.)--Université de Montréal, 1999. / Comprend des réf. bibliogr.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis assesses the governance of irregular migration and the practicalities of human smuggling in southern Algeria. It looks at the drivers, functionalities and institutions governing irregular migration and human smuggling in Algeria’s south and along its borders with Mali and Niger. After a brief overview of the history of irregular migration in the Sahara, the study analyses the mechanics and instruments through which the Algerian authorities manage irregular migration. It shows that they often attempt to play a balancing act between enforcing a hard security agenda while taking into account the role of the irregular migration economy for borderland people. Moreover, the thesis offers a micro assessment of migrant strategies and smugglers' modus operandi in the villages and cities along Algeria's borders with Mali and Niger, drawing from extensive fieldwork conducted across the region. Human smuggling appears to be a highly 'regulated activity' through a network of rules shared between the borderland actors. The study presents the features associated with the politics of informal rules of human smuggling, portraying them as contingent on their political and security environment. Finally, the research develops a chapter on the daily lives of migrants in the city of Tamanrasset, Algeria's southern main city, showing how migrants' presence shapes the city's character. It looks in particular at how lodging places, known locally as 'foyers', play an essential role in a migrant's life trajectory. Moreover, the research analyses the complex relationship between smugglers and migrants, notably via the activities of former smugglers ('passeurs') who became owners of 'foyers', playing a critical social role for new migrants.

Our understanding of enterprise restructuring in a transition context is predominantly drawn from the ex-communist countries of Europe. Those countries have their own cultural values, social structures, were subject to the Soviet political and economic managemet styles and had their own political and economic reasons to move to the free market system. Without doubt, these factors had influenced their enterprise restructuring and its determinants. Given this influence, our understanding of enterprise restructuring and its determinants can be considered limited especially when one takes into consideration the fact that mnay developing countries with centrally planned economic systems had moved to the free market system almost at the same time as the ex-communist countries. Very important, the restructuring behaviour of their state and privatised enterprises and the determinants of their behaviour have been neglected by researchers. This neglect was, indeed, a stimulus to carry out a research study on enterprise restructuring and its determinants in Algeria. The aim of this research study was to develop an understanding of the kind of restructuring taking place in the state enterprises slated for privatisation in Algeria and the factors that stimulated or hindered their restructuring from 1990 to 2005. Algeria is a country that combines a mixture of historical backgrounds. It has a history of more than one hundred years of French colonial rule and has a deep rooted link with the Arab and Islamic cultures. It is also a country which had followed, after gaining independence from the colonial rule in 1962, its own style of socialism where the private sector,in light manufacturing and some service industries, was tolerated and workers of the state-owned enterprise were given the power to share the decision makings with management. More significantly, Algerial was and still is a country where almost 90 percent of its foreign revenues come from hydrocarbons export. Its move to the free market in 1989 came as a result of the sharp drop in the price of oil and therefore a sharp decrease in its foreign revenues. It was a move imposed by the IMF in return for the extension of its debts repayment and the provision of fresh loans. With these socio-cultural, political and economic characteristics of Algeria, it was expected that the restructuring behaviour of the enterprises under investigation and the determinants of this behaviour would exhibit some differences from those experienced in the transition countries of Europe. The investigation was carried out on three enterprises operating in different industries: Saidal in pharmaceuticals, the SNVI in heavy vehicles and Eriad Alger in wheat processing and manufacturing. The data was collected and analysed using qualitative and quantitative research strategies. Semi-structured and unstructured interviews were used to collect data on the restructuring actions and their determinants. They were carried out with senior managers at the head offices, divisions and functional departments of the enterprises; managers at the trade union (UGTA); managers at one state-owned consultancy organisation called CNAT; managers at the ministry of industry; two visiting managers at the trade union (UGTA); and a small number of workers of the three enterprises under investigation. A survey using a self-completion questionnaire was also used to investigate the characteristics of the top management teams of the three enterprises. Primary documents such as state, private company and media reports and secondary document such as journal articles and books were also used. The findings drawn from the study reveal that Saidal was the only enterprise that restructured effectively despite the strong competition in its market. This was possible through the determination of Saidal's president general manager and his top management team to restructure and through the enterprise partnership with many multinational firms. The findings also indicate that controllable and uncontrollable factors had significant impact on the restructuring behaviour of the three enterprises. The controllable factors were the corporatisation of the state enterprise and the underdevelopment of the institutional environment. Corporatisation was an important incentive that encouraged effective restructuring but this was possible only when the enterprise was financially healthy, as was the case with Saidal. The financial autonomy of Saidal reduced the intervention of the government administration in its internal affairs. Government intervention was strong when the enterprise was perceived by the government as strategically important, as was the case with the SNVI, or when the government intended to totally privatise the enterprise, as was the case with Eriad Alger. The underdevelopment of the institutional environment, especially corruption, the shortage of technical skills and the lack of adequate market information hampered competition and slowed down effective restructuring. The uncontrollable factors were the trend in the market and the cultural values. The growing market for pharmaceuticals in Algeria was a stimulus for attracting foreign investment in Saidal which consequently encouraged effective restructuring. As for the cultural values, the family and friendship ties, the social responsibility stemming from religious belief, the regional belonging and the legacy of French colonial rule in Algeria played a significant role in the selection and recruitment of managers and workers, in slowing down the progress of shedding workers surplus and in slowing down foreign participation in privatisation. Future research on enterprise restructuring and its determinants in Algeria should be carried out on a larger sample of enterprises with different ownership using quantitative and qualitative research strategies. Research should also explore enterprise restructuring and its determinants in other developing countries which moved to the free market system and in countries which share similar cultural and social structures with Algeria. It is time for researchers to move away from exploring effective and ineffective enterprise restructuring and concentrate more on exploring how partnership with foreign firms, the shortage of technicla skills, the lack of market information and the cultural values, be it religious beliefs, customs of the legacy of colonialism, affect the restructuring behaviour of state, privatised and private enterprises and the determinants of this behaviour.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

A partir d'une enquête ethnographique conduite en Algérie puis en France, cette thèse d'anthropologie aborde le sujet des écoles privées de programme français à Tizi Ouzou. Elles apparaissent en septembre 1991, le lendemain de l'ouverture démocratique qui donnera lieu à la naissance du parti kabyle RCD, mais aussi à la veille de la victoire du FIS aux législatives de décembre. / This doctoral thesis in anthropologie is based on an ethnographic inquiry conducted in Algéria and in France. This thesis tackles the issue of private schools following french programmes in Tizi Ouzou. The schools appeared in september 1991, immediatly after the democratic opening witch gave birth to the RCD but also shortly before the FIS victory at the legislative elections.

Dans cette thèse, nous tâchons de démontrer que l’histoire de la musique à Alger entre les années 1860 et l’indépendance ne peut se passer d’une approche en termes de rencontre et de transferts entre les expressions musicales européennes et indigènes. Spectacle vivant et lieu de rencontre, la pratique musicale a été saisie très tôt au cours du XXe siècle comme un moyen de travailler au rapprochement des communautés ; un des principes auquel ont œuvré de nombreux acteurs de la société civile, appuyés de manière croissante par les autorités publiques. Le frottement soutenu entre les différents genres musicaux a contribué à en former et à en consolider les contours, de sorte que la musique dite aujourd’hui « çan‘a » ou « andalouse » d’Alger est le produit d’un dialogue entre Européens et indigènes. Ainsi, entre 1862 et 1962, il est possible de parler de chemin « franco-musulman » parcouru par les musiques d’Algérie ; chemin qui contribue à modeler leur forme et qui révèle que la portée historique de l’indépendance dans le champ musical est aussi limitée que sa force mémorielle est démesurée, quand on considère les discours nationalistes dont les musiques d’Algérie sont aujourd’hui investies. Cependant, le cas musical algérois est peut-être plus significatif dans le champ d’une histoire culturelle de la France : il révèle – contre toute attente ? – qu’en France, le multiculturalisme n’est pas une fonction de l’impérialisme. Considérer un instant qu’Alger n’est pas foncièrement « coloniale » entre 1862 et 1962, reconnaître qu’elle a un temps partagé le destin de l’hexagone et constater qu’elle est un lieu d’application d’une politique culturelle de la diversité interroge le jacobinisme français, dont on répète pourtant à l’envie, qu’il est congénital. / In this dissertation, we seek to demonstrate that the history of music in Algiers from the 1860s to independence must be apprehended in terms of meeting and transfers between European and indigenous musical expressions. Characterized by live performance and being a point of contact, musical practice has been understood, as early as the beginning of the 20th century, as a means to create and tighten ties between communities; a purpose to which many actors of civil society have worked, increasingly supported by public authorities. Rubbed together, the different musical genres were modelled and consolidated, so that the Algiers’s so-called “Andalusian” musical tradition was, in fact, shaped by the dialogue between Europeans and indigenes. Thus, from 1862 to 1962, one can speak of Algerian music’s “franco-muslim” path; a path which reveals that the historical significance of Algerian independence in the field of music is as limited as its memorial weight is overwhelming in contemporary nationalist narratives on Algerian music. However, the Algiers musical case might be more telling from a cultural history of modern France point of view: it shows – surprisingly? – that in France, multiculturalism is not tied to imperialism. If one considers for a moment that Algiers, from 1862 to 1962, is not fundamentally “colonial”, admits that it has for a time shared a common destiny with the hexagone, and yields to the fact that it hosted a genuine cultural policy aimed at the promotion of diversity, one is led to wonder if Jacobinism, as is often said, is consubstantial to France.