Cette thèse porte principalement sur l’impact des politiques d’emploi sur l’économie informelle en Algérie. Dans le premier chapitre, nous tentons de faire le point sur les problèmes de définitions et de mesures quantitatives de l’économie informelle en essayant d’établir un cadre d’analyse standardisé permettant de réduire les conflits méthodologiques. Dans le deuxième et le troisième chapitre, nous estimons le poids réel du secteur informel et de l’emploi informel sur le marché du travail. Nous décrivons aussi les personnes qui travaillent de manière informelle. Dans le quatrième chapitre nous étudions leurs motivations et les raisons d’être de ce type d’emploi. C'est-à-dire nous chercherons à savoir s’ils relèvent d’un processus d’exclusion sociale ou bien d’un choix délibéré. Nous nous interrogeons aussi sur l’hétérogénéité de ces emplois. Dans les deux derniers chapitres nous cherchons à savoir dans quelle mesure les politiques d’emploi en Algérie ont contribué à la réduction de l’économie informelle et le chômage en Algérie respectivement. À la lumière des résultats obtenus précédemment mais aussi sur la base d’autres expériences, nous testons des mesures de politique économique. Pour réaliser cette analyse, nous exploitons les micro-données des enquêtes emplois auprès des ménages menées par l’Office National des Statistiques (ONS) entre 1997 et 2013. / This thesis focuses on impact evaluation of employment policies on the informal economy in Algeria. In the first chapter, we look to definitions and quantitative measures of the informal economy. We try to establish a standardized framework of analysis to reduce methodological conflicts. In the second and third chapters, we estimate the weight of the informal sector and informal employment in the labor market. We also describe those who are working in the informal economy. In the fourth chapter, we study their motivations and the reasons for this type of jobs. We look whether they are involved in a process of social exclusion or make a deliberate choice. We also discuss the heterogeneity of these jobs. In the two last chapters we examine if the employment policies in Algeria have contributed to reduce informality and employment. In the light of our results but also based on other experiences, we test economic policy measures. To do this we use data bases from household employment surveys conducted by the National Office of Statistics (ONS) from 1997 to 2013.

Le 1er novembre 1954, la guerre d’indépendance algérienne éclate. Une armée est alors progressivement construite et organisée. En 1962, après sept ans et demi de guerre, des dizaines de milliers de combattants constituent l’Armée de Libération Nationale (A.L.N.). À l’été 1962, elle est rebaptisée Armée Nationale Populaire (A.N.P.). À l’indépendance, le nouvel État algérien doit transformer cette armée de libération hétéroclite en une armée professionnelle. Cette transformation recouvre de nombreux enjeux qu’il convient d’analyser, comprendre et expliquer. Conjointement à l’étude de la construction de l’armée algérienne, il s’agit plus spécifiquement d’étudier les hommes qui prennent part à ce processus dans le cadre d’une étude prosopographique. Cette thèse se propose d’apporter un premier éclairage tant sur la construction de l’armée algérienne que sur les acteurs de ce processus. En effet, même si de nombreux travaux historiques se sont penchés sur la guerre d’Algérie, aucun ne s’est attaché à étudier la formation de l’A.L.N. en tant que telle. Quant à l’histoire de l’Algérie indépendante, elle demeure largement méconnue et 1962 apparaît comme une date infranchissable dans l’historiographie de l’Algérie. Alliant histoire de la guerre d’indépendance algérienne et histoire de l’Algérie indépendante, cette thèse se concentre sur l’étude de l’armée algérienne de sa naissance en 1954 jusqu’en 1991, au moment de l’interruption du processus électoral qui inaugure la terrible décennie 1990. Comment l’A.L.N. s’est-elle constituée ? Qui sont ses membres ? Quels sont les enjeux, après l’indépendance, auxquels la jeune armée algérienne doit faire face ? Comment l’A.N.P. est-elle organisée ? Qui sont les hommes qui participent à la reconversion de l’A.N.P. ? Quelles sont leurs trajectoires ? Quelles relations entretiennent-ils ? Ce sont quelques-uns des questionnements auxquels cette recherche apporte des premiers éléments de réponses. / On November 1st, 1954, the Algerian War for Independence begins. A resistance army is gradually built and organized. In 1962, after seven and a half years of war, tens of thousands fighters form the National Liberation Army (N.L.A.), soon renamed National People’s Army (N.P.A.). After the declaration of independence, the new Algerian State must transform this heterogeneous liberation army into a professional army. This transformation involves several issues that should be analyzed, understood and explained. The study of the building up of the Algerian army, is simultaneously and more specifically a study of the men who take part in this process through a prosopographical study. This thesis aims therefore to shed light on the building of the Algerian army as well as the actors involved in the process. Numerous historical works have focused on the Algerian War, but none has attempted to study the formation of the N.L.A. as such. As for the history of independent Algeria, it remains largely unknown, as 1962 appears as an impassable date in the historiography of Algeria. By combining the history of the Algerian War for Independence and the history of independent Algeria, this thesis focuses on the study of the Algerian army from it birth in 1954 until 1991, when the interruption of the electoral process inaugurates the terrible decade of the 1990’s. How did the N.L.A. take shape? Who are its members? What are the stakes the young Algerian army has to face after independence? How is the N.P.A. organized? Who are the men involved in the transformation of the N.P.A.? What are their trajectories? What are their relationships? These are some of the questions that this research aims to answer.

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This dissertation traces the competing forces of antisemitism and Jewish civic activism in French colonial Algeria from the 1870 Crémieux decree to the end of World War II. It examines the relationship between antisemitism and the practices of citizenship in a colonial context. The dissertation centers on the experience of Algerian Jews and their evolving identity as citizens as they competed with the other colonial groups, including French citizens from the metropole, newly naturalized non-French settlers, and Algerian Muslims. Periodic and recurring episodes of antisemitism resulted from competition for control over municipal government. In colonial Algeria, municipal governments acted as the major crucible for politics and patronage available to settlers and citizens. This dissertation contends that through the competition for the scarce resources and rights as citizens, various political groups in the colony exerted their claims on the state via the degradation of Algeria Jews, who were naturalized en masse in 1870. This competition resulted in antisemitic violence as well as an ongoing and hotly contested debate on the definition of French identity. As Algerian Jews assimilated as a result of the urging of their communal leaders and outside influences from metropolitan French Jews and Jewish organizations such as the Alliance Israélite Universelle, antisemites sought to limit Algerian Jewish access to rights. Algerian Jews faced particularly strong competition from the newly naturalized French settlers who emigrated from Italy, Spain, and Malta. These immigrants viewed the Algerian Jews as particularly dangerous status competitors. Rather than accept antisemitism as inevitable, Algerian Jews defended themselves against antisemitic attacks through the ii i formation of defense organizations such as the Comité Algérien des Études Sociales. They urged fellow Jews to fulfill their responsibilities to France, celebrating military service and sacrifices, and demanding that Jews exercise their right to vote. Algerian Jews negotiated the antisemitism of French and newly French settlers, as well as Algerian Muslims. French antisemites took advantage of Algerian Muslim frustrations with their inferior status and encouraged antisemitic violence among Algerian Muslims. Algerian Jews sought to diffuse such tensions by encourage fraternity with Algerian Muslims in the colony. As Algerian Jews assimilated and integrated into the French colony and civil society, they negotiated fraught relationships with other colonial groups, proving themselves as Frenchmen while encouraging unity with Algerian Muslims. Algerian Jews straddled the line between citizen and subject in the colonial context and fought to prove themselves as worthy French citizens in the face of competition and antisemitism. Although specific to the case of French colonial Algeria, these issues of competition for status, identity, and rights are complementary to studies of other colonial contexts and that of newly emerged states. Such debates about citizenship and belonging lie at the heart of much of the turmoil of twentieth century history.

This dissertation traces the competing forces of antisemitism and Jewish civic activism in French colonial Algeria from the 1870 Crémieux decree to the end of World War II. It examines the relationship between antisemitism and the practices of citizenship in a colonial context. The dissertation centers on the experience of Algerian Jews and their evolving identity as citizens as they competed with the other colonial groups, including French citizens from the metropole, newly naturalized non-French settlers, and Algerian Muslims. Periodic and recurring episodes of antisemitism resulted from competition for control over municipal government. In colonial Algeria, municipal governments acted as the major crucible for politics and patronage available to settlers and citizens. This dissertation contends that through the competition for the scarce resources and rights as citizens, various political groups in the colony exerted their claims on the state via the degradation of Algeria Jews, who were naturalized en masse in 1870. This competition resulted in antisemitic violence as well as an ongoing and hotly contested debate on the definition of French identity. As Algerian Jews assimilated as a result of the urging of their communal leaders and outside influences from metropolitan French Jews and Jewish organizations such as the Alliance Israélite Universelle, antisemites sought to limit Algerian Jewish access to rights. Algerian Jews faced particularly strong competition from the newly naturalized French settlers who emigrated from Italy, Spain, and Malta. These immigrants viewed the Algerian Jews as particularly dangerous status competitors. Rather than accept antisemitism as inevitable, Algerian Jews defended themselves against antisemitic attacks through the ii i formation of defense organizations such as the Comité Algérien des Études Sociales. They urged fellow Jews to fulfill their responsibilities to France, celebrating military service and sacrifices, and demanding that Jews exercise their right to vote. Algerian Jews negotiated the antisemitism of French and newly French settlers, as well as Algerian Muslims. French antisemites took advantage of Algerian Muslim frustrations with their inferior status and encouraged antisemitic violence among Algerian Muslims. Algerian Jews sought to diffuse such tensions by encourage fraternity with Algerian Muslims in the colony. As Algerian Jews assimilated and integrated into the French colony and civil society, they negotiated fraught relationships with other colonial groups, proving themselves as Frenchmen while encouraging unity with Algerian Muslims. Algerian Jews straddled the line between citizen and subject in the colonial context and fought to prove themselves as worthy French citizens in the face of competition and antisemitism. Although specific to the case of French colonial Algeria, these issues of competition for status, identity, and rights are complementary to studies of other colonial contexts and that of newly emerged states. Such debates about citizenship and belonging lie at the heart of much of the turmoil of twentieth century history.

Thesis (master's)--Jāmiʻat al-Malik ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz, Jiddah. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-266).

This item was digitized as part of the Million Books Project led by Carnegie Mellon University and supported by grants from the National Science Foundation (NSF). Cornell University coordinated the participation of land-grant and agricultural libraries in providing historical agricultural information for the digitization project; the University of Arizona Libraries, the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, and the Office of Arid Lands Studies collaborated in the selection and provision of material for the digitization project.

Most models of property rights assume they are supplied by the state on demand from society. Property rights are strong when state institutions enforce the law. The strength of state institutions in the provinces determines how well property rights will be enforced on the ground. The penetration of state institutions from the capital city to the provinces is a part of long state building processes. These processes pit centralizing elites against local notables who want to protect their authority and privileges. In the West, state building processes took centuries; in post-colonial states like Algeria and Tunisia, these processes have occurred over the last fifty years, and have occurred unevenly This dissertation asks why property rights are relatively strong in Tunisia, and why they are so weak in Algeria. To answer this question, it focuses on the development of local political and state institutions in the years immediately following independence. At independence, rulers in both states used their anti-colonial nationalist parties to buttress the state-in-formation. Their ability to do so, however, was conditioned on the development of those parties during the colonial period, and affected their rural state building strategies. The choices they made in the first decades of independence defined the parameters of local-national relations and the degree to which they can implement property rights on the ground. Using the Neo-Destour Party, which had developed into a mass-mobilizing movement by independence, the Tunisian state was able to project authority into the periphery. In return for vertical mobility opportunities, party cadres enforced national legislation during the early state building period. Property rights are strong. In Algeria, authority collapsed when close to a million European settlers fled in 1962. The French excluded Muslims from the political and economic sphere fearing they would subvert the foundation of the colonial system: strong settler property rights. At independence, the new regime had few cadres to staff the new state institutions, and an amorphous nationalist movement. The regime chose a two-tiered state building strategy. From the top-down, it placed its few cadres for the central and provincial administration. Its bottom-up strategy was to form a new set of party-administrators that could act as proxy agents on the ground through the municipalities. The top-down, bottom-up powersharing agreement turned on its side, however, as local notables infiltrated the local party organizations and municipalities. The party-administrators entered alliances with notables, creating localized political arenas independent of Algiers. Subsequent efforts to run land and property reform through the municipalities were undermined by these alliances, and have been since. In Algeria, property rights are nationally legislated, but they are enforced according to local dictates. Property rights are weak. / text

Thesis (M.S.)--School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. / "June 2008." Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-91). Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1993. / Includes tables. Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Jo Anne Kleifgen. Dissertation Committee: Clifford Hill. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-122).