This thesis attempts to analyze the European Neighbourhood Policy from a Neo-Gramscian perspective, mapping transnational power relations in Europe and identifying the historical-specific articulations between economic, political and (civil) societal processes in the specific case of Ukraine. Thus the thesis attempts to show how the EU&rsquo / s hegemonic project is formed and applied, it also explores whether there are redefinitions of the EU hegemonic project and ask whether it is sustainable or not. It is contended that the European Commission&rsquo / s neo-liberal strategy is designed to transform the region into a space in which the free flow of capital, goods and services is secured, but the free movement of people is heavily restricted, and no commitment is made towards full membership for its partners. In fact, this study explores whether or not the ENP as a hegemonic project is likely to establish an historic bloc / whether the ENP is sustainable or not with the consent of its partners. This study focuses on social power relations and their organisation and articulation within the structures of the state/civil-societal complex at the national and transnational levels in order to analyse the degree and manner of both coercion and consent given to the EU&rsquo / s hegemonic project, which in turn will allow for an assessment of the project&rsquo / s likelihood of success. The EU&rsquo / s general strategy towards its neighbours is shown to be a hegemonic project spearheaded by an intellectual and moral leadership directed by conflicting political and cultural agents and organisations.

<p>Abstract</p><p>In this essay I look at the change in the symbolic function of vampires, and to see this I use</p><p>Bram Stoker’s Dracula and Anne Rice’s The Vampire Lestat. My argument is that the</p><p>difference between Dracula and Lestat is basically that they represent different ideologies,</p><p>with Dracula being an imperialist, and Lestat being an anarchist. The difference is shown by</p><p>taking examples from the text of the two novels, and also taking information about the</p><p>ideologies, and seeing if the actions and thoughts of the characters match the suggested</p><p>ideology.</p><p>First, the essay looks at Dracula and his connection with imperialism, and then it turns to</p><p>Lestat and his connection with anarchism.</p><p>The conclusion is that the facts derived from the novels make it quite clear where the</p><p>political hearts of the vampires lie.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of History, August 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

In March, 1877, the radical worker Pëtr Alekseev gave his speech at the ‘Trial of Fifty,’ contributing to the social-revolutionary movement one of the founding documents in Russia’s fledgling, working-class history. In the decades that followed, many others of the workers’ circles of the 1870s would compose and contribute their own stories to this revolutionary, ‘workers’ history.’ It was understood that, for workers to ‘speak for themselves’ was one step towards a workers’ revolution, carried out by and for the working people. The ‘workers’ voice’ had been borne by Alekseev in 1877, and was shared by worker-memoirists and other worker-writers through the early twentieth century. Individual workers were called represent, embody, testify to and speak for the mass, or the working-class as a whole. Thus, the notion of the ‘workers’ voice’ tied together the propaganda, the historiography, and the philosophy of the Russian social-revolutionary movement. A study of the ‘workers’ voice’ in history and historiography reveals the connections between these areas of revolutionary thought and practice, and provides a better understanding of the role of individual workers - as activists and as writers - in the Russian socialist movement. Revolutionary historiography developed alongside and in concert with political theories of the social revolution, mass action, social law and social determination, individuality, and consciousness. For a small number of radical democrats-turned-‘rebels,’ anarchists, and social-revolutionaries – most, if not all, born into the educated elite, a few to the families of the high, landed nobility - adherence to the narodnik tenet that ‘the emancipation of the working class should be conquered by workers’ themselves’ made their own, committed or conscious choice of the ‘cause’ over the existing system of things marginal to the historical and social forces driving Russia towards revolution. The ‘going to the people’ movement was aimed at bringing ‘workers themselves’ into their movement. By developing certain working people into carriers of the socialist message, the movement hitherto limited to students, publicists, and the wayward sons and daughters of state officials, merchants and clergymen would become the ‘a working-class matter.’ Thus, a special place was allotted to the ‘self-educated’ or ‘self-developed’ workers who, like the self-styled ‘intelligentsia,’ were consciously committed, synthesising ‘consciousness’ with their own class experience and the social necessity behind it. The political and historical valorisation of the ‘workers’ voice’ extended this idea into the documentation and the history of the popular and workers’ movements. Just as the workers would have to ‘emancipate themselves,’ so too would they speak for themselves and write their own history. This history, it was thought, would eventually belong to the workers by right. Thus, historical writing and the documentation of a workers’ history, informed by judgments regarding individuality, society, class, history, and their relationships, became politically significant for the revolutionary movement as working people began to enter it and ‘speak for themselves.’ Late in the nineteenth century, the worker-revolutionaries of the 1870s began to write their own memoirs of events. Entering the documentary record as individuals, it was their task to testify to working-class experience. Thus, at the point where working people became ‘individuals’ for history and for future historians, marking themselves as different from the mass by leaving their own writings, and stories, and memoirs, they were also tied inextricably to a political viewpoint that identified every and any worker as practically identical. As political figures, ‘conscious’ radicals who had taken responsibility for their own actions, their lives were historically definite; as ‘working men,’ sharing in a victimhood that was common to millions, their lives were indefinite, unhistorical, alienated. In the attempt to explain one part of their lives by the other, in the juxtaposition of class experience with political experience, in the light of a political function that had workers become witnesses rather than writers, the worker-revolutionaries reproduced in their political and historical writings the class categories that their radicalism had contradicted. The awkward position of worker-intelligent – in one half unique, conscious, definite, historical, active, by the other: plural, instinctive, indefinite, and passive – was stamped into ‘workers’ writings.

This is an analysis of the nature and political significance of Russian messianism: the idea that the Russian people or the Russian State is the `chosen people' or the `chosen instrument'. I outline the genesis of the theory of Moscow, the Third Rome and discuss the ideas and activities of the nineteenth-century Slavophils, the pan-Slavists, Dostoevsky and Vladimir Solovyov. I examine the influence of messianism on Russian Communism, considering Berdiaev's views. The main part of the work investigates the rebirth of interest in Russian messianism in the Brezhnev period. I try to investigate the links between this cultural movement and the Russian nationalist elements within the political éite. My main sources for this are samizdat journals and articles, in particular the journal Veche, cultural journals such as Novyi mir, Molodaia gvardiia and Nash sovremennik, Party documents and éigré/ journals. I find that Russian messianism has been especially important at times when the country is in crisis: Russia is in Golgotha, but where there is suffering there is also redemption, not only for Russia but for humanity. It has by no means been always dominant in intellectual thought. It has had little influence (under either tsars or Communists) on the fields of nationality policy, policy towards religion or foreign policy. Today, as in the nineteenth century, its adherents can be opponents or supporters of the existing State structure. The growth of non-Russian nationalism under Gorbachov, combined with glasnost', has fuelled Russian nationalism. This is unlikely to be co-opted into the official ideology, because it would increase the dissatisfaction of the non-Russians.

Šiame darbe analizuojama maištingojo anarchizmo ideologijos tema G.Beresnevičiaus eseistikoje. / The author of this work analysis the ideology of anarchism in G.Beresnevichius’ essay books. The following three books of the mentioned writer have been chosen, i.e. ,, On the edge of time’’ ( ,, Ant laiko ašmenų’’ ), ,, The wolves’ sun’’ ( ,, Vilkų saulutė’’ ) and ,, Empire making’’ ( ,, Imperijos darymas’’ ). The target of the work was to present the essayist’s books, which would help to point up and reveal the theme of rebellious anarchism. It was also important to realize, how the writer’s ideology reflects in separate thematic motives, which determined the following tasks; to find similarities with the ideology of anarchism in Beresnevichius books of essys by comparison, to analyze the explanation of Lithuanian national distinction, significance of the myth, criticism of today’s society, anarchistic approach to death, the concepts of freedom of populace and freedom of an individual and the importance of humor. The author suggested the conklussion of her research , that some features typical of anarchism ideology could be found in Beresnevichius’ essay books, as well as differences from that ideology. Key words: anarchism, rebellious, ideology, essay, myth, utopia, antiutopia, humor.

Previous studies of the left have tended to focus on groups or movements within the confines of national boundaries. Yet the adherents of these organizations were often migrants who traveled to and lived in multiple states. The Italian anarchist movement emerged during the latter half of the nineteenth century during the process of that country’s unification. As the need for cheap labour in the industrializing nations of north-western Europe and North and South America grew, a mass exodus of migrants left Italy. Among those migrants were anarchists who established networks that spanned continents and the Atlantic Ocean. Wherever Italian anarchists settled they began to publish journals, engage in anarchist activism, and re-create the radical culture that had its roots in Italy. This dissertation examines a portion of the transnational anarchist movement that existed in Canada and the United States between 1915 and 1940. The themes explored in this work include the formation of these transnational anarchist networks, the divisions within the Italian anarchist movement and their repercussions, how transnational activism was conducted, and the culture these transnational radicals created. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2010-11-14 12:18:45.49

This dissertation comments on the current period of intense social change in the former Soviet Union by charting processes of elite production at a business school in Riga, Latvia. It is concerned with an ethnically diverse group of students from the Baltic states who attend a Swedish institution established to accelerate the transition. I suggest that rather than producing 'catalysts of change' the business school represents a foreign-direct-investment into human capital. The thesis tackles the transnational complexities of the organisation by combining ethnographic description with an analysis of the historical and ideological shifts in international relations and a review of the anthropological literature on socialism. The thesis also responds to the lack of anthropological research on elites by presenting the first ethnographic study of a business school. It investigates elite schooling practices and parameters through an engagement with the debates on reproduction in education. In Riga an off-the-peg curriculum sidelines issues specifically concerned with the Baltic context; instead of addressing local problems students are increasingly drawn towards transnational corporations. During their attendance they partially develop their own agenda, which is a finding that questions prevalent assumptions about the docility of students in elite education. Other key factors of the students' transformation are language, image, style, school space and consumption. Their collective grooming project forms an important part of the esprit de corps at the school. Additionally, the thesis highlights the establishment of multiethnic networks on the basis of shared interests, thus challenging one-dimensional reports of nationalism in the region. Caught between the post-Soviet context and a forceful Swedish vision of change students experience upward mobility along with problematic negotiations of ongoing circumstances. Intended as a contribution to anthropological studies of post-socialism the thesis explains how the business school generates graduates who are willing and desirable recruits for the capitalist expansion.

No description available.

Nuestro interés por recuperar trayectorias discursivas que se ocuparon de lo que hoy denominamos derechos (no) reproductivos y sexuales y de las mujeres en Argentina, nos condujo al análisis de las locuciones del movimiento anarquista. En nuestras primeras pesquisas, las voces de dos médicos anarquistas se destacaron en el tratamiento del problema que nos interesaba abordar. Asimismo, la presencia de ideas provenientes de la eugenesia en los planteos de estos profesionales para el desarrollo de un discurso emancipatorio para las mujeres en relación del derecho a la autodeterminación sexual y reproductiva, nos condujo a focalizar en las distintas apropiaciones de la eugenesia dentro del campo médico. Ante este panorama, nuestra investigación tiene por objetivo general analizar, fundamentalmente, el discurso médico del movimiento anarquista referido al control de la natalidad, la maternidad y el placer sexual en la Argentina durante el período 1931-1951. En este sentido, nos interesa ocuparnos del debate sobre estos temas –más o menos explícitamente enunciados- en el campo médico y, a partir de allí, desprender la particularidad libertaria. La hipótesis general que demostrará esta tesis sostiene que, a partir de la consolidación del pensamiento eugénico anarquista local a través de su propuesta de control de la natalidad, se fortaleció y se legitimó el discurso sobre los derechos de las mujeres a decidir sobre su capacidad de gestar y su derecho al placer sexual sin que interviniera la reproducción como único destino. / Our interest in recovering discursive trajectories that dealt with what today we call sexual and (non-) reproductive rights and women rights in Argentina, lead us to the analysis of the speech of the anarchist movement. In our fist inquiries the voice of two anarchist doctors stood out from our treatment of the previous problem. Likewise, the presence of eugenic ideas in those professionals arguments for the development of a emancipatory discourse for women in relation to the right of sexual and reproductive self determination lead us to focus on different appropriations of eugenics within the medical field. In accordance with this setting, our investigation has for general objective to analyze the medical discourse of the anarchist movement in reference to birth control, motherhood and sexual pleasure in Argentina during the 1931-1951 period. Our interest is to center on the debate around these issues – more or less explicitly enunciated- in the medical field and from there highlight the libertarian stance. The general hypothesis demonstrated by this thesis argues that the women‘s right to decide over gestation and sexual pleasure, without reproduction as a sole destiny, was strengthen and legitimated by the consolidation of the local anarchist eugenic thinking, particularly through its birth control initiative.