Esta tese trata da Contracultura: conjunto de movimentos de rebelião juvenil das décadas de 1960 e 1970, mas cujas raízes são anteriores, tendo como eixo temático a obra de Raul Seixas, no que se refere ao projeto de construção de uma Sociedade Alternativa. A Sociedade Alternativa é considerada por mim como o enorme leque de lutas libertárias de toda uma geração jovem que ousou discordar das \"verdades prontas e acabadas\" que nos são oferecidas pelo mundo capitalista. / This thesis deals with counterculture: the whole of movements of juvenile rebellion of the decades of 1960 and 1970, having as thematic axle the musical composition of Raul Seixas, as for the project of the construction of an Alternative Society. The Alternative Society is considered by me as the enormous fan of libertarian fights of all a young generation that dared to disagree with the \"ready and finished truths\" that in is offered by the capitalist world.

To date, the study of Chinese propaganda photography has been limited. While some research has been made on post-1949 photography, the photographic production of the pre-1949 period has not been sufficiently explored. Focusing on the years of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-45), this thesis aims at addressing this gap in the literature and at providing an analysis of how the Chinese Communist Party exploited photography for propaganda purposes during the war. Through the images taken by Party-affiliated photographers and printed on the Jin Cha Ji Pictorial, the first Communist photographic propaganda magazine, this study aims to show how this type of visual propaganda aimed not only at narrating the events of the war against Japan, but also at creating a new idea of the Chinese nation. This thesis is divided into four chapters. The first, The Jin Cha Ji Pictorial: A Brief History presents the history of the magazine and the work of the CCP affiliated photographers who contributed to its creation and popularity. Chapter two, The Geography of a Revolution, explores how a new cultural landscape was visually constructed to create the basis of the political legitimation that the CCP needed during wartime. Chapter three, Becoming Modern Women, investigates the symbolic and ideological value of the spinning wheel in 1943 in relation to women’s contribution to the war effort and the thorny issue of women empowerment. Lastly, chapter four, Moulding the Future looks at the visual representation of childhood and discusses the issue of militarisation and masculinisation of childhood during wartime. This study ends with few considerations on the propagandistic, historical and artistic value of Communist propaganda photography during the Second Sino-Japanese War as well as a reflection on how the symbolic and ideological significance of some of the photographs presented here are still recognisable in contemporary Chinese propaganda.

How does one lead a life of law, love and freedom? This inquiry has very deep roots in the Judeo-Christian tradition. Indeed, the divergent answers to this inquiry mark the transition from Judeo to Christian. This dissertation returns to those roots to trace the routes that these ideas have taken as they move from the sacred to the secular. The argument of this dissertation is threefold. First, it argues that the concepts of law, love and freedom are each internally polarized. Each concept contains, within itself, conflicting values. Paul's equivocation in his letters is a striking manifestation of this internal polarization. Second, it argues that, while values are many, my life is one. Hence, one needs to combine the plurality of values within a singular life. Values find their coherence within a form of life. There are, at least, two ways of leading a life of law, love and freedom: monastic versus antinomian. Third, it argues that the Reformation transformed these religious ideals into political ideologies. The monastic ideal is politically manifested as constitutionalism, and the antinomian ideal is politically manifested as anarchism. There are, at least, two ways of creating a polity of law, love and freedom: constitutional versus anarchic. To mount the threefold argument, the dissertation deploys a whole range of disciplinary tools. The dissertation draws on analytic jurisprudence in its analysis of law; ethics and aesthetics in its analysis of love; political philosophy in its analysis of freedom; biblical scholarship in its interpretation of Paul; the history of ideas in its study of the formation and transformation of these ideas; and moral philosophy in concluding how one could lead a life of law, love and freedom.

Discute o papel do poder político nas sociedades autoritárias e do pensamento libertário e anarquista, utilizando as histórias em quadrinhos V de Vingança e Watchmen, ambas do roteirista Alan Moore, em função das suas simbologias e temáticas. O foco de estudo são as relações políticas e sociais que estas graphic novels possuem, apresentando as histórias em quadrinhos como um recurso informacional que tem um papel na ampliação das possibilidades de comunicação e expressão na sociedade contemporânea, além de trabalhar a conscientização política do leitor acerca das diversas possibilidades de padrões de comportamentos individuais e coletivos no mundo atual. / Discusses the role of political power in authoritarian societies and libertarian and anarchist thought, using the comics V for Vendetta and Watchmen, both from writer Alan Moore, according to their symbols and themes. The focus of the study are the political and social relations that these graphic novels exhibit, featuring the comics as an informational resource that has a role in increasing the possibilities of communication and expression in contemporary society, in addition to working the political consciousness of the reader about the various possibilities for individual and collective behavior patterns in today\'s world.

The thesis examines the Communist Party in Moscow between 1925 and 1932. Its structure, role and membership are studied, together with its relationship with the population of Moscow. A study is also made of politics in the period, with special reference to the oppositions of the 1920's. Four broad problems are discussed. The first is the relationship between the central Party leadership and the Moscow Committee. Second is the role of the grassroots activist in political life. Thirdly, the failure of the oppositions is studied in detail. Finally, popular influence over the Party is examined with a view to discussing how far the revolution had been 'betrayed' in this period. It is found that the Moscow Committee was less autonomous than other regional organs, but that grassroots initiative played an important part in political life. In general, people were reluctant to engage in formal opposition. This largely explains the defeat of the Left and Right oppositions, who failed to attract significant support. The majority of Muscovites remained apathetic or hostile to the Party, but a core of committed activists within it was responsible for many of the period's achievements. To the extent that they supported and even initiated policy, Stalin's 'great turn' included an element of 'revolution from below'.

Anarchism is a political and socioeconomic force that has driven violent methods of social and political change for centuries. Relating Anarchism to these violent acts demonstrates a deep-seeded link to terrorism. Anarchism is one of the main forces behind modern day terrorism due to its long history alongside the ever evolving term terrorism. By connecting these two concepts, domestic terror groups can be better analyzed and understood, and future attacks from within the United States may be prevented.

This thesis is inspired by the historical principles of RG Collingwood, an historiographer whose precepts are recurrently cited herein. It is the life and times style biography of Francesco Giovanni Fantin, born San Vito de Leguzzano in the Schio district of the Province of Vicenza in the Veneto region of Italy 20 January 1901, died Loveday Internment Camp Compound 14A, South Australia 16 November 1942. SA police at the time found that Fantin was assassinated by fascist conspirators who contrived to intimidate witnesses and interfere with material evidence, (findings here confirmed) frustrating the laying of a charge of murder and leading in March 1943 to the sentencing of Giovanni Casotti to two years hard labour for manslaughter in the Supreme Court of South Australia. (Casotti was subsequently deported.) This thesis begins with the reconstruction of Fantin’s origins in one of the rural crucibles of Italian capitalism and industrialism. The presence of anarchist traditions in the Province and in Fantin’s immediate circle in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is documented. The history of the Great War, the Red Biennium and the Rise of Fascism in the Schio district is then reconstructed in connection with Fantin’s formative years, with particular reference to the role of the textile strike of 1921 as the precursor to the political and mass emigration from the district to Australia of which Fantin was a humble protagonist. Fantin’s years as an antifascist activist in exile in Australia are then rehearsed as an essential prerequisite for understanding why he was selected for assassination. The thesis closes with a detailed reconstruction of how his death was encompassed and its political implications managed by Dr HV Evatt. An Iconographic Appendix and Bibliography follow. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1331596 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Economics, 2008

This essay aims to examine what subject positions are possible within the discourse of relationship anarchy. Through semi-structured interviews with four people who define themselves as relationship anarchists I've made a discourse analysis to determine how these relationship anarchists explain what, in the discourse they’re in, is described as an relationship anarchistic way of being, what isn’t and how they relate to this. Relationship anarchy is described as an ideology based on freedom. It is about the right to define their relationships as they like, as something constantly changing and that does not hold a specific value based on its label. But it is apparent that the freedom is relative when it occurs in a discourse where other standards are created. Based on these standards, both the hegemonic discourse, where being a couple is the relationship standard, and the counter-hegemonic relationship anarchist discourse, the respondents are positioning themselves as something different from that, and that their way of practicing relationships are based on responsibility and communication. Based on this I find that there are three possible subject positions within relationship anarchy: the idealogical, the player and the responsible.

British Labour Party&rsquo / s attitudes and policies towards European integration have historically oscillated between varying degrees of support for concrete integration steps and obstinate opposition to it. A major and pronounced volte-face on European policy occurred after 1983 and the aim of this study is to locate the causes of this shift in European policy and its subsequent course under &lsquo / New&rsquo / Labour period. The causes and motivations are searched within the general transformation of the party and they are assessed according to the changes in party&rsquo / s ideology and its perceptions about the needs of British national political economy. The scope of the study covers the intersection area between intra/inter-party politics and political economy. On these areas, Neo-Marxist theories of state and Regulation Approach are utilised, as well as the classical political sociology models on party politics. An historical inquiry on party policy encompassing the post-war period has been undertaken. In a similar vein, in order to compare it on ideological grounds, other European social democratic-socialist party policies are analysed alongside the British Labour case. It is argued that party&rsquo / s policy preferences are strongly influenced by and shaped according to the national socio-political institutional structure. The thesis comes to the conclusion that historical institutionalist analysis coupled with a &lsquo / structural dependency to capital&rsquo / theory offers a highly plausible explanation for the evolution of Labour Party&rsquo / s policy course on Europe, including the recent &lsquo / New&rsquo / Labour period.

In this study, the Turkish left in the 1960s is discussed in the light of the term peculiarism. This is done on the basis of three groups of the Turkish left in the period, namely the Y&ouml / n journal, the MDD group and the TiP with specific reference to Mehmet Ali Aybar. The main premises of the term peculiarism are considered to be nationalism, Kemalism, developmentalism or non-capitalist path of development, the idea of a &ldquo / popular national front&rdquo / and anti-imperialism. Accordingly, each group is discussed on the basis of the above told concepts.