This thesis analyses the terms in which collective identity and regional institutions can explain state action towards the unfolding of regionalism in the Andean Community (AC). This analysis develops a constructivist approach that assesses constitutive and casual effects of ideas in order to provide explanations. For the assessment and distinction of these effects, the thesis proposes an interpretive method that consists of focusing on transitive verbs and metaphors denoting causation that state officials and regional bureaucrats use to refer to the role of ideas in orienting state action. The analysis of the explanatory role of collective identity and regional institutions is carried out in three case studies of the AC, namely, Peru remaining an AC member while being reluctant to adopt the Andean Free Trade Zone (FTZ) and the Common External Tariff (CET); collective negotiations of a free trade agreement between the AC and the European Union; and the adoption of the Integrated Plan for Social Development (PIDS). The thesis shows that constitutive and causal effects of ideas are possible to observe in the three case studies of the AC. By observing these effects, the thesis provides a better understanding of a relationship of mutual constitution and causation between collective identity and regional institutions in the AC, and suggests a number of issues that may explain the AC’s maintenance despite its little achievements and low material benefits it provides to member states. The thesis also makes a significant contribution to constructivist theorising inasmuch as it provides a method to operationalise constructivism’s aim of providing explanations based on the role of ideas. To the study of the AC, this thesis represents a major contribution inasmuch as it is the first work that analyses the views of some of the main performers of state action and of the AC as a regional organisation, which accounts for the closest approach to how member states act in the AC.

Free Trade Agreements and particularly Asymmetric ones have been discussed controversially for several decades now. The Latin American region has increased their efforts to integrate their economies in the international arena. The Andean Community being a customs union in Latin America signed a Free Trade Agreement with the European Union in 2013. Being an asymmetric trade deal, this thesis examined whether it has resulted in trade creation and trade diversion effects already. Looking at the results, I can clearly reject the notion of negative effects as a consequence of the trade agreement. Considering the entire, but also the agricultural and manufactured economic sectors, I found statistically significant trade creation effects. Concerning trade diversion effects, the results were not statistically significant and additional research in the future seems required. Keywords Gravity Model, Asymmetric Free Trade Agreement, Trade creation, Trade diversion, Andean Community, EU, Panel Econometrics Title Comprehensive Trade Agreement between Asymmetric Partners

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the impact of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) agreement on the export from the Andean Community (AC) to the European Union (EU) between the years 1995 to 2000. The GSP agreement enables developing countries to face lower- or no tariffs when exporting to developed countries. According to Ricardian theory, Heckscher-Ohlin theory, and New Trade theory decreased trade barriers tend to have a positive effect on trade. When analyzing the trade flow between these countries using the gravity model the outcome is found to be consistent with the theories i.e the results show that the GSP agreement implemented in 1995 has had a positive impact on trade.

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the impact of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) agreement on the export from the Andean Community (AC) to the European Union (EU) between the years 1995 to 2000. The GSP agreement enables developing countries to face lower- or no tariffs when exporting to developed countries. According to Ricardian theory, Heckscher-Ohlin theory, and New Trade theory decreased trade barriers tend to have a positive effect on trade. When analyzing the trade flow between these countries using the gravity model the outcome is found to be consistent with the theories i.e the results show that the GSP agreement implemented in 1995 has had a positive impact on trade.</p>

Submitted by Matheus Felipe Silva (matheus.f.silva@unesp.br) on 2018-11-22T14:03:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Repositório Matheus Felipe Silva 2018.pdf: 926243 bytes, checksum: a06cd5b5e7282c3dc64b3c354fea0c3f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Milena Maria Rodrigues null (milena@fclar.unesp.br) on 2018-11-22T17:37:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_mf_me_arafcl.pdf: 926243 bytes, checksum: a06cd5b5e7282c3dc64b3c354fea0c3f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-22T17:37:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_mf_me_arafcl.pdf: 926243 bytes, checksum: a06cd5b5e7282c3dc64b3c354fea0c3f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-01-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / A presente dissertação trata das eleições diretas ao Parlamento Andino e ao Parlamento do Mercosul. Estes estão inseridos, respectivamente, na Comunidade Andina e no Mercosul, dois blocos de integração regional da América do Sul. Ademais, até o momento, ambos são os únicos parlamentos de esquemas de integração na América do Sul. Debatemos as problemáticas da democratização dos fenômenos de integração regional e regionalismo a partir da conformação de parlamentos regionais com representantes eleitos de forma direta pelas populações nacionais. Essas eleições regionais guardam singularidades importantes pela especificidade de eleger representantes da integração, valendo também ressaltar a influência dos processos de integração e regionalismo que afetaram a América Latina e América do Sul. Apoiados nos debates do deficit democrático dos processos de integração regional, de teorias de integração regional e da formação de eleições de segunda ordem nas eleições ao Parlamento Europeu, buscamos compreender, dentro das análises das eleições ao Parlandino e ao Parlasul, as possibilidades e os limites que dessas no sentido de democratizar a integração na Comunidade Andina e no Mercosul e, consequentemente, nos processos de integração da América do Sul. / This dissertation deals with direct elections to the Andean Parliament and the Mercosur Parliament. These are inserted, respectively, in the Andean Community and in the Mercosur, two regional integration blocs of South America. In addition, until this date, both are the only parliaments of integration schemes in South America. We debate the problems on the democratization of the regional integration phenomena and regionalism from the formation of regional parliaments with representatives directly elected by the national populations. These regional elections hold important singularities for the specificity of electing representatives of integration. It is also worth highlighting the influence of the integration and regionalism processes that affected Latin America and South America. Based on the debates about the democratic deficit of the processes of regional integration, theories of regional integration and the formation of second-order elections in the European Parliament elections, we seek to understand, within the analysis of the elections to Andean Parliament and Parlasur, the possibilities and limits of these to democratize integration in the Andean Community and Mercosur and consequently in the South American integration processes.

First chapter of this diploma thesis discusses foundation, historical background and contemporary situation of Andean Community of Nations. Second chapter describes Andean Integration System and role of individual bodies and institutions that form this system. Third chapter pays attention to role of Andean Community of Nations in South-American integration process and it's relation to other integration blocs in South America -- Common Market of the South, Union of South-American Nations and Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America and the Caribbean. Fourth chapter evaluates impact of Andean integration process on economic and trade development in member countries.

This paper analyzes the evolution of the regulation of trade names in the Andean Community and Peru, specifically in regard to its scope of protection from the provisions of article 8 of the Paris Convention (CUP). Also from certain rulings by IndecopI and the Court of Justice of the Andean Community, this paper contains a proposal of amendment to Decision 486 of the Andean Community and the legislative decree 1075 to update the regulation of trade names to modern times and ensure that the settlement of disputes involving said legal figure provide predictability and legal certainty. / El artículo analiza la evolución de la regulación del nombre comercial en la Comunidad Andina y en el Perú, específicamente en lo que respecta a su ámbito de protección a partir de lo establecido en el artículo 8 del Convenio de la Unión de París para la Protección de la Propiedad Industrial (CUP). Asimismo, tomando como referencia ciertos fallos emitidos por el Instituto Nacional de Defensa de la Competencia y de la Protección de la Propiedad Intelectual (IndecopI) y el Tribunal de Justicia de la Comunidad Andina, se propone una modificación a la Decisión 486 de la Comunidad Andina y al decreto legislativo 1075 a fin de actualizar la regulación del nombre comercial a los tiempos modernos y asegurar que la solución de controversias que involucren dicha figura jurídica proporcionen predictibilidad y seguridad jurídica.

O presente trabalho tem como principal objetivo analisar e comparar as agendas das políticas externas de dois países andinos (Bolívia e Colômbia) com o intuito de compreender a pauta integracionista destes atores em relação à Comunidade Andina de Nações (CAN), processo de integração mais antigo da América do Sul. O período escolhido para a análise foi entre os anos de 2006 e 2010, pois abarca a saída da Venezuela da CAN e os mandatos dos presidentes Evo Morales, na Bolívia e Álvaro Uribe, na Colômbia. A escolha dos estudos de caso se deve ao antagonismo ideológico entre os presidentes citados em relação à pauta de integração. A ascensão de Morales e outros governos de esquerda na região em meados dos anos de 2000 trouxe reflexos para as relações internacionais dos países andinos, afetando também o projeto de integração da CAN. O comércio intra-regional manteve a CAN unida durante a crise da saída da Venezuela, mas são poucos os avanços em outras áreas prioritárias para a região, como a segurança, a cooperação e o próprio aprofundamento da integração econômica. A fim de compreender o presente contexto da CAN, o trabalho apresenta os principais paradigmas de política externa da Bolívia e Colômbia durante o século XX até a chegada de Morales e Uribe ao poder, quando são analisadas as novas estratégias de inserção internacional adotadas por estes atores. / The present study has as main objective to analyse and compare the foreign policy agendas of two Andean countries (Bolivia and Colombia) and understand the integration issue of these actors regarding the Andean Community of Nations (CAN, in spanish), the oldest integration proccess of South America. The chosen period of analysis is the one between the years of 2006 and 2010, coinciding with Venezuela\'s withdrawal from CAN and the mandates of presidents Evo Morales, from Bolivia and Álvaro Uribe, from Colombia. The choice of these case studies is due to the ideologic antagonism between the mentioned presidents concerned with regional integration. The ascension of Morales and other leftist governments starting in the decade of 2000 brought impact to the international relations of Andean countries, afecting the integration project of CAN. The intraregional trade has maintained the unity of CAN during the withdrawal of Venezuela, but few advances were verified regarding other main areas as security, cooperation and the deepening of economic integration in the region. In order to understand the present context of CAN, this study presents the Bolivian and Colombian main paradigms of foreign policy during the XX century until the arrival of Morales and Uribe to the presidency, when the new strategies of international insertion of these actors are analyzed.

The article reflects on the roll that has the European Union like cohesion factor, considering that the relations are not limited the commercial plane in a context in which the Andean Community of Nations has had difficulties not only in its process of internal consolidation, but also to forge a common foreign policy. One discusses some differences with the FTA with the U.S.A., and the relations in these South-North agreements with regional integration.Of another side, one becomes a balance of the commerce flows, investment and cooperation between the EU and the Andean Community, being in evidence the fundamental importance that they have these bonds, beyond conjunctural losses of relative weight in the commercial aspect. There are limitations, but beyond the European restrictions or external these are fundamentally of internal character: insufficient exportable supply, competitiveness, infrastructure, etc. / El artículo reflexiona sobre el rol que tiene la Unión Europea como factor de cohesión, teniendo en cuenta que las relaciones no se limitan al plano comercial, especialmente en un contexto en el cual la Comunidad Andina de Naciones ha tenido dificultades no solo en su proceso de consolidación interna sino también en aquel que tiene como fin forjar una política exterior común. Se discute también algunas diferencias con el TLC con los Estados Unidos y las relaciones de estos acuerdos norte-sur con laintegración regional.De otro lado, se hace un balance de los flujos de comercio, inversión y cooperación entre la UE y la CAN, lo que evidencia la importancia fundamental que tienen estos vínculos, más allá de pérdidas  coyunturales de peso relativo, en el aspecto  comercial.Si bien existen limitaciones, más allá de las  restricciones europeas o externas, estas son fundamentalmente de carácter interno: oferta exportable insuficiente, competitividad, infraestructura, etcétera.

O presente trabalho tem como principal objetivo analisar e comparar as agendas das políticas externas de dois países andinos (Bolívia e Colômbia) com o intuito de compreender a pauta integracionista destes atores em relação à Comunidade Andina de Nações (CAN), processo de integração mais antigo da América do Sul. O período escolhido para a análise foi entre os anos de 2006 e 2010, pois abarca a saída da Venezuela da CAN e os mandatos dos presidentes Evo Morales, na Bolívia e Álvaro Uribe, na Colômbia. A escolha dos estudos de caso se deve ao antagonismo ideológico entre os presidentes citados em relação à pauta de integração. A ascensão de Morales e outros governos de esquerda na região em meados dos anos de 2000 trouxe reflexos para as relações internacionais dos países andinos, afetando também o projeto de integração da CAN. O comércio intra-regional manteve a CAN unida durante a crise da saída da Venezuela, mas são poucos os avanços em outras áreas prioritárias para a região, como a segurança, a cooperação e o próprio aprofundamento da integração econômica. A fim de compreender o presente contexto da CAN, o trabalho apresenta os principais paradigmas de política externa da Bolívia e Colômbia durante o século XX até a chegada de Morales e Uribe ao poder, quando são analisadas as novas estratégias de inserção internacional adotadas por estes atores. / The present study has as main objective to analyse and compare the foreign policy agendas of two Andean countries (Bolivia and Colombia) and understand the integration issue of these actors regarding the Andean Community of Nations (CAN, in spanish), the oldest integration proccess of South America. The chosen period of analysis is the one between the years of 2006 and 2010, coinciding with Venezuela\'s withdrawal from CAN and the mandates of presidents Evo Morales, from Bolivia and Álvaro Uribe, from Colombia. The choice of these case studies is due to the ideologic antagonism between the mentioned presidents concerned with regional integration. The ascension of Morales and other leftist governments starting in the decade of 2000 brought impact to the international relations of Andean countries, afecting the integration project of CAN. The intraregional trade has maintained the unity of CAN during the withdrawal of Venezuela, but few advances were verified regarding other main areas as security, cooperation and the deepening of economic integration in the region. In order to understand the present context of CAN, this study presents the Bolivian and Colombian main paradigms of foreign policy during the XX century until the arrival of Morales and Uribe to the presidency, when the new strategies of international insertion of these actors are analyzed.