The purpose of the thesis is to evaluate the real impact of anti-corruption policies of the Czech Government. Therefore, the thesis firstly deals with the phenomenon of corruption and the fight against it in general. Subsequently, various anti-corruption strategies from 1999 to 2010 are introduced. Fundamental part of the thesis is devoted to an analysis of the Government's strategy in the fight against corruption between the years 2011 and 2012. Measures taken according to this strategy are examined in the light of the recommendations of NGOs that are engaged in the anti-corruption fight. The thesis sets out the strengths and the weaknesses of the strategy and points out the major flaws that need to be resolved as soon as possible. The third part suggests a solution to each of the problems that have emerged from the analysis. The proposals are mainly based on the recommendations of the anti-corruption organizations in the framework of the Reconstruction of the State and the Government's strategy in the fight against corruption between the years 2013 and 2014. Conclusion of the study shows to what extent is the current Czech government's anti-corruption policy successful.

L'enjeu des politiques anticorruption occupe une grande partie du discours politique en Malaisie. Après des événements tels que la crise financière de 1997, ou encore l'affaire Anwar en 1998, les politiques anticorruption ont été catapultées au sein du débat politique, dans lequel elles sont constamment observées, scrutées et critiquées. Ce mémoire étudie ces politiques à travers l'analyse du contrôle politique, notamment en ce qui concerne leur autonomie et leur indépendance bureaucratique. En se concentrant plus précisément sur le cas de l'agence anticorruption, notre mémoire offre un regard sur la nouvelle agence indépendante qui a récemment vu le jour en 2009, ainsi que celle qui la précède. Cette étude démontre que la nature du contrôle politique exercé a entravé et ralentit la mise en œuvre des politiques anticorruption. / The issue of anticorruption policies has permeated a significant part of the political discourse in Malaysia. After events such as the 1997 financial crisis, or the Anwar affair in 1998, anticorruption policies have been catapulted in the midst of political debate, in which their efficiency is constantly observed, scrutinized and criticized. This thesis examines anticorruption policies through the analytical lense of political control, specifically in regards to its bureaucratic independance and autonomy. Our study concentrates itself more specifically on the case of the independent anticorruption agency freshly instituted in 2009, as well as its predecessor. The conclusions drawn support the argument that the nature of the political control exercised on anticorruption policies have hampered and slowed down their implementation.

Magister Legum - LLM / Corruption is among the world's devastating social, economic and political problems. It is enormous to the extent that ''not one single country, anywhere in the world, is corruptionfree''. Its effects on the quality of life of billions of people around the world are widely acknowledged. Kofi Annan, former UN Secretary General, in his statement on the adoption of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), proclaimed that: Corruption is an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on societies. It undermines democracy and the rule of law, leads to violations of human rights, distorts markets, erodes the quality of life, and allows organised crime, terrorism and other threats to human security to flourish. Corruption takes different forms depending on the time and the social, political and economic circumstances that create avenues for its occurrence. Consequently, scholars construe corruption from different viewpoints. On the one hand, post-colonialists and Marxists perceive corruption as a product of capitalist pursuit of profit and capital accumulation. On the other hand, liberal-rationalists and free-market economists define corruption by looking at its negative effects on development and economic sustainability. The argument is that corruption discourages foreign investment and allows public officials to siphon off resources for their private advantage, thereby defeating the public good. Despite the definitional and ideological differences found in literature, there is an agreement that corruption is a bad thing and should be fought vigorously.

Jordan has strived to manage a large-scale anti-corruption initiative for the public sector since 2006. Despite the implementation of laws and bodies mandated to address corruption, public trust of government remains low and the country’s position on international corruption rankings has not improved. This study seeks to investigate how the implementation of a large-scale anti-corruption initiative impacts the organizational culture of the country’s public sector. It proposes that wasta, a unique Arab phenomenon that promotes the values of loyalty, represents the most significant barrier to penetrating what is essentially a normalized culture of corruption in the Government of Jordan. The organizational culture theory model was adopted as the theoretical framework because of its ability to account for differences in culture where promoted values do not necessarily correspond with employee actions. Because literature in this area is rare, a qualitative exploratory methodology was chosen. Based on data saturation, a total of 19 semi-structured interviews were conducted on-site in Jordan with mid-level managers identified using snowball sampling. The results prove the theoretical proposal to be accurate and show that wasta has evolved to the deepest level of organizational culture. The results are sub-divided into two major themes: culture and leadership. The results show that wasta is a deeply held and engrained part of organizational culture and that it is difficult for anti-corruption efforts to change this culture in the Jordanian public sector. The thesis also demonstrate how leadership can be both something negative or something positive in the fight against wasta depending on how it is used.. The findings carry implications for public administration, foreign policy, and society as a whole especially with regard to the development of more effective anti-corruption strategies in Jordan and abroad. The specific contribution to knowledge of this thesis is the examination of how organizational cultural reforms impact public-sector organizations in the Middle Eastern context given the influence of wasta, which is not discussed in the literature but remains important for the field. Future research should consider the views of a wider variety of stakeholders, as well as the impact of wasta on organizational characteristics including performance and delivery of public services.

隨著民主政治的發展，人民對政府的期望亦隨之提高，對政府的服務要求愈加殷切，政府施政是否清廉，成為人民對政府信賴的重要指標，清廉的政治風氣，尤能影響工商產業的投資意願，是影響經濟發展的非經濟因素。因此，無論是人民或政府無不大力倡導建立清廉的政府。 由於國人普遍的認為我國在廉明政府的工作上猶有改善的空間，因此我國的廉政機構組織與廉政相關法制經常見諸檢討，更有以香港、新加坡的廉政成功例子，質疑何以香港、新加坡能而我國為何不能，法務部遂參照香港、新加坡之廉政機構組織，籌組法務部廉政署，並將其組織條例草案提出於立法院，惟立法院委員亦提出多版的類似廉政機構組織條例草案，結果都未能獲立法院審議通過，廉政機構組織架構，應有更充份的檢討與評估，以建設符合政府再造，發揮廉政功能的廉政組織。 本論文首先探討政府如何建構廉政政策問題，檢討問題建構的正確性，其次探討現有廉政機構組織的運作方式與產生的問題，政府採取何種對策與工具解決廉政問題。第三再就政府對未來所採取的廉政政策規劃評估其適當性，可行性。第四提出幾個清廉度高的國家廉政機構組織，比較分析其運作方式及可能成功因素，是否能為我國借鏡，解決廉政問題，第五檢討廉政機構解決廉政問題的能力，提出解決我國廉政問題的設計方案，最後提出參採幾個國家的制度，研擬我國廉政機構組織設計方案的原則建議希望本論文研究，對廉政機構組織之設計能符合組織理論與政府再造的理念，早日完成廉政機構組織再造工程，以發揮廉政目標。

ABSTRACT This thesis evaluates the effectiveness of public sector anti-corruption reform efforts in democratic South Africa. These reforms are contextualized within the international theory, literature and policy debate that has emerged over the past decade on the control of corruption within the context of democratic governance. To evaluate the effectiveness of anti-corruption reforms the thesis first covers a number of broad themes including: conceptions, causes and consequences of corruption; main theoretical approaches underpinning anti-corruption reforms; and methodologies to evaluate the effectiveness and seriousness of anti-corruption efforts. Specifically focusing on South Africa, the thesis looks at the nature and extent of corruption both pre and post 1994; recent legislative, institutional, and policy interventions to control public sector corruption; and, as an illustrative case study of grand corruption, an in-depth analysis of the government’s handling of allegations of corruption in the Strategic Defense Procurement Package or “arms deal.” The findings of the thesis are mixed: I argue that democracy is a necessary albeit insufficient condition for effectively fighting corruption. Although South Africa has an impressive array of institutions, laws and policies to counter public sector corruption, the most important ingredient for successful reforms, namely an indication of sustained political will, is not yet fully in evidence. The government’s mishandling of allegations of corruption in the arms deal is a case in point, suggesting chronic weaknesses on the part of institutions such as parliament to safeguard the public interest. Lack of regulation in the funding of political parties remains the “Achilles heel” of anti-corruption reform efforts. So far as concerns further theoretical framing of corruption studies I conclude that a focus on social empowerment (Johnston) in the context of democratic consolidation, including an active civil society and vigilant media, is crucial for the effective fight against corruption in new democracies such as South Africa.

肅清貪污一直是政府持續推動的重要政策，雖然頗具績效，但是貪瀆之事 仍時有所聞。為徹底肅清貪污，民國七十六年曾有九十一位立法委員聯合 提出質詢，呼籲成立反貪污專責機構。他們指出，香港、新加坡原是政治 風氣腐敗之處，但分別成立廉政公署及貪污調查局，以壯士斷腕的手段大 力整頓，今日兩地政府的廉能舉世聞名，不獨贏回人民尊敬，公務員的地 位及待遇也因而大幅提高。台灣地區近幾年來選舉頻繁而且競爭激烈，選 舉經費年年暴增，這些經費要回收，因此，幫利益團體關說或憑藉特權瓜 分公共工程或為非法業者包庇請託，均為回收管道，此種結構性的貪污， 與政治有關，也是最難解決的，最令人擔心的。本文有鑑於此，爰就貪污 問題作進一步研究，並提出建議意見，盼能有助於政風之改善。

<p>The aim of this research paper is to examine the legal framework for the recovery of corruptly-acquired assets, with particular emphasis on the Nigerian situation. Its primary focus is a detailed examination of the legal mechanisms for the recovery of such assets in the context of international asset recovery. Despite the success of the Nigerian government in recovering the Abacha loot,8 siphoning off of public funds by public office holders continues, and charges of fraud persist against top bank executives alleged to have converted depositors&rsquo / funds fraudulently. The prevailing criminal or conviction-based forfeiture mechanism in Nigeria appears inadequate to deal effectively with these situations. The need to enhance capacity through the adoption of civil or non-conviction based forfeiture laws therefore becomes imperative.</p>

<p>The aim of this research paper is to examine the legal framework for the recovery of corruptly-acquired assets, with particular emphasis on the Nigerian situation. Its primary focus is a detailed examination of the legal mechanisms for the recovery of such assets in the context of international asset recovery. Despite the success of the Nigerian government in recovering the Abacha loot,8 siphoning off of public funds by public office holders continues, and charges of fraud persist against top bank executives alleged to have converted depositors&rsquo / funds fraudulently. The prevailing criminal or conviction-based forfeiture mechanism in Nigeria appears inadequate to deal effectively with these situations. The need to enhance capacity through the adoption of civil or non-conviction based forfeiture laws therefore becomes imperative.</p>

This thesis analyzes the anti-corruption policy in the European Union. Within this framework corruption as a global phenomenon and actions taken by other international organisations is studied as well. Furthermore, this thesis seeks to answer whether the accession process to the European Union has influenced the anti-corruption strategy in Turkey or not. Finally, it identifies shortcomings in the current reform process in Turkey and tries to develop recommendations accordingly.